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EDITED    Bt 

PROFESSOR  MANDELL  CREIGHTON. 


THE  POPES  AND  THE  HOHENSTAUFEN. 


Epochs  of  Church  History. 

Edited  by  Professor  MAN  DELL  CREIGHTON. 

Fcp.  8vo,  price  30  cents  each. 

THE   ENGLISH   CHURCH    IN   OTHER    LANDS.     By  the  Rev. 
H.  W.  Tucker,  M.A. 

THE   HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION    IN    ENGLAND. 
By  the  Rev.  George  G.  Perry,  M.A. 

a  THE    CHURCH    OF    THE    EARLY    FATHERS.      By  Alfred 
Plummer,  D.D. 

'   THE    EVANGELICAL    REVIVAL    IN    THE    EIGHTEENTH 
CENTURY.     By  the  Rev.  J.  H.  Overton,  M.A. 

A   HISTORY   OF  THE   UNIVERSITY   OF    OXFORD.      By  the 
Hon.  G.  C.  Brodrick,  D.C.  L. 

A  HISTORY  OF  THE   UNIVERSITY  OF  CAMBRIDGE.    By 

J.  Bass  Mullinger,  M.A. 

§    THE   CHURCH   AND   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.      By  the  Rev. 
A.  Carr. 

#    THE  CHURCH  AND   THE   PURITANS,  157^1660.     By  Henry 
Offley  Wakeman,  M.A. 

f     THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EASTERN  EMPIRE.      By  the  Rev. 
H.  F.  Tozer,  M.A. 

HILDEBRAND    AND     HIS    TIMES.      By  the   Rev.   W.    R.   W. 
Stephens,  M.A. 

'    THE  ENGLISH   CHURCH   IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES.     By  the 
Rev.  W.  Hunt,  M.A.,  Trinity  College,  Oxford. 

THE  POPES  AND  THE  HOHENSTAUFEN.    By  Ugo  Balzani. 

IN  PREPARATION. 

THE  ARIAN  CONTROVERSY.     By  H.  M.  Gwatkin,  M.A.,  Lecturer 
and  late  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 

THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION.     By  A.  \V.  'Ward. 

THE  GERMAN  REFORMATION.     By  Prof.  Mandell  Creighton, 

M.A.,  D.C.L. 
WYCLIF  AND   THE   BEGINNINGS   OF  THE   REFORMATION. 

By  Reginald  Lane  Poole,  M.A.,  Balliol  College,  Oxford. 
CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  MODERN  TIMES. 
THE  REFORMATION  IN  ENGLAND. 
THE  WARS  OF  RELIGION. 
THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  TEUTONS. 
CHRISTIANITY  AND  ISLAM. 
MONKS  AND  FRIARS. 


London  :  LONGMANS,  GREEN,  &  CO. 


THE   POPES 


AND 


THE    HOIIENSTAUFEN. 


BY 


UGO    RALZANL 


NEW  YORK: 
ANSON  D.  F.  RANDOLPH  &  COMPANY, 

38    WEST    TWENTY-THIRD    STREET. 


PKEFACE, 


The  historical  period  traversed  by  this  book  is  certainly 
one  of  the  most  striking  in  the  history  of  the  Papacy 
and  the  Empire,  for  their  struggles  far  exceeded  the 
thoughts  and  aims  of  the  combatants  and  hastened  in 
Europe  a  marvellous  development  of  change  and  pro- 
gress. The  history  of  the  relations  between  the  Popes 
and  the  Hohenstaufen  is  one  which  cannot  be  easily 
kept  within  strict  limits,  but  is  apt  to  extend  to  that 
of  the  whole  of  Europe  and  of  much  of  the  East.  It 
has  been  a  difficult  task  to  confine  it  within  the  small 
space  of  these  pages,  nor  could  this  have  been  done 
without  rigorously  excluding  everything  which  did 
Dot  bear  directly  on  the  relations  of  the  Papacy  with 
the  House  of  Suabia,  and  on  those  historical  events 
which  exerted  most  influence  over  those  relations, 
especially  in  Italy,  where  the  great  drama  was  chiefly 
acted.  I  have  therefore  tried  to  avoid  all  digressions 
as  much  as  possible,  keeping  distinctly  before  me  the 
object  of  the  narrative,  so  as  not  to  interrupt  its 
thread. 

It  also  seemed  to  me  that  the  nature  of  the  work 


vi  Preface. 

demanded  great  moderation  in  generalising  with  regard 
to  the  facts  stated  in  it,  and  I  have  therefore  endea- 
voured that  these  facts  should  speak  for  themselves  as 
clearly  as  possible,  and  should  suggest  those  reflections 
which  present  themselves  spontaneously  to  the  reader 
who  follows  carefully  the  course  of  human  events  and 
meditates  upon  them.  But  in  order  to  obtain  this 
result,  and  not  lead  the  reader  to  erroneous  conclusions, 
the  writer  needs  a  very  accurate  knowledge  of  his 
facts,  and  a  painstaking  selection  of  those  which  have 
a  vital  importance  for  the  narrative,  and  of  those 
alone.  This  can  only  be  secured  by  a  long  and 
minute  study  of  the  original  historical  sources ;  and 
hence,  while  making  large  use  of  the  many  valuable 
works  which  have  preceded  this  little  book,  I  have 
based  my  assertions  throughout  on  original  researches. 
In  a  very  much  larger  and  more  detailed  work  on 
the  same  subject,  which  I  hope  at  a  not  very  distant 
day  to  publish  in  Italy,  I  propose  to  give  the  more 
complete  result  of  these  researches,  and  a  scientific 
analysis  of  the  facts  and  considerations  which  I  have 
here  put  forward. 

UGO  BALZANI. 

Tickton  Lodge,  Clevedon,  Somerset, 
September  21,  18S8. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGK 

PREFACE      v 

CHAPTER  I. 

INTRODUCTORY I 

CHAPTER  II. 

EUGENIUS     III.    AND     CONRAD    OF     HOHENSTAUFEN— ELEC- 
TION  OF  FREDERICK  I II 

CHAPTER  III. 

HADRIAN   IV.   AND  ROME— CORONATION   OF  FREDERICK  I.   .        29 

CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  STRUGGLE    BETWEEN    HADRIAN    IV.    AND     FREDERICK 

BARBAROSSA 41 

CHAPTER  V. 

ALEXANDER     III.     AND     THE     LOMBARDS     AGAINST      THE 

SCHISM  AND  THE  EMPIRE '  .        54 

CHAPTER  VI. 

THE   BATTLE  OF   LEGNANO  AND  THE    PEACE    OF    VENICE- 
DEATH  OF  ALEXANDER  III 80 

CHAPTER  VII. 

LAST  YEARS  OF    FREDERICK  I.— THE    EMPEROR    HENRY   VI. 

AND  THE  PAPACY— THE  CONQUEST  OF  SICILY        .  .        99 


viii  Contents. 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

INNOCENT  III.  GUARDIAN  OF  FREDERICK  II.,  KING  OF 
SICILY— HIS  STRUGGLE  WITH  PHILIP  OF  HOHEN- 
STAUFEN 122 

CHAPTER  IX. 

INNOCENT  III.   OTTO  OF  BRUNSWICK  AND  FREDERICK  II.     .      1 39 

CHAPTER  X. 

HONORIUS  III.   AND  FREDERICK  II 157 

CHAPTER  XI. 

GREGORY  IX.  AND  THE  CRUSADE— FIRST  CONTENTIONS 
WITH  FREDERICK  II.  UP  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  SAN 
GERMANO 172 

CHAPTER  XII. 

FREDERICK  II.'S  STRUGGLES  WITH  THE  LOMBARDS  — THE 
POPE  FAVOURS  THE  LOMBARDS — FREDERICK  II.  IS  AGAIN 
EXCOMMUNICATED— DEATH  OF  GREGORY  IX.  .  .      1S8 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

INNOCENT  IV.— IMPLACABLE  WAR    BETWEEN    THE    PAPACY 

AND  THE  EMPIRE  TILL  THE  DEATH  OF  FREDERICK  II. .     203 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

INNOCENT  IV.   AND    FREDERICK    II. 'S    SUCCESSORS,   CONRAD 

AND  MANFRED 221 

CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  POPES  BRING  CHARLES  OF  ANJOU   INTO  ITALY— DEATH 

OF  MANFRED  AT   BENEVENTO 234 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  LAST  OF  THE   HOHENSTAUFEN  .  .  .  .  .     245 


THE  POPES  AND  THE  HOHENSTAUFEK 


CHAPTEB    I. 
(1125-1138.) 

INTRODUCTORY. 

The  great  struggle  for  the  investitures  between  the 
Papacy  and  the  Empire  had  at  last  ended  in  the  Con- 
cordat of  Worms,  and  out  of  this  struggle  both  the 
two  great  adversaries  came  exhausted,  but  neither  of 
them  entirely  conqueror  or  wholly  vanquished.  The 
Papacy,  though  partially  giving  way  in  the  ques- 
tion of  the  investitures,  had  gained  ground,  neverthe- 
less, in  matters  of  wider  and  more  real  importance. 
During  the  long  period  of  the  struggle,  not  only  the 
men  themselves  had  changed,  but  the  very  principles 
for  which  they  were  fighting  were  undergoing  trans- 
formation, and  the  successors  of  Gregory  VII.  and 
Henry  IV.  moved  in  a  different  sphere  of  ideas  from 
that  which  surrounded  their  great  predecessors.  The 
mere  fact  of  having  been  able  to  hold  out  so  firmly 
was  a  victory  for  the  Papacy,  and  from  the  day  in 
which  Gregory  had  deposed  Henry,  and  brought  him 
to  his  knees  at  Canossa,  all  possibility  had  ceased  of 
C.  H.  A 


2        The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstaufen. 

an  imperial  supremacy  such  as  that  exercised  over  the 
Popes  by  the  Ottos  and  Henry  III.  Later,  when  the 
voice  of  Peter  the  Hermit,  giving  utterance  to  a 
cherished  thought  of  the  Roman  pontiffs,  aroused  in 
the  nations  of  Christendom  a  wild  enthusiasm  for  the 
crusade  declared  by  Urban  II.,  the  relations  between 
Church  and  Empire  underwent  still  further  change. 
To  the  imperial  conception  of  universal  power  it  was 
a  distinct  blow  that  the  whole  of  the  Christian  com- 
munity should  for  the  first  time  be  aroused  and 
directed  towards  a  far-off  and  arduous  war  without 
the  Empire's  co-operation  and  guidance.  Nor  was 
this  all.  Other  elements,  either  unknown  before  or 
unnoticed,  began  to  appear  on  the  scene  of  history, 
and  while  the  long  contest  was  reaching  its  conclusion 
a  new  era  had  risen  above  the  horizon.  Europe,  freed 
from  the  dark  barbarism  in  which  preceding  ages  had 
enveloped  her,  found  herself  confronted  by  other  prob- 
lems, and  was  preparing  for  new  enterprises. 

When  in  I  I  2  5  the  house  of  Franconia  died  out  in 
the  person  of  Henry  V.,  Honorius  II.,  who  was  then 
Pope,  found  himself  very  advantageously  placed  in 
regard  to  the  Empire,  and  turned  the  opportunity  to 
good  account.  On  the  30th  of  August  1 1 25,  in  the 
Diet  of  Mentz,  the  Duke  of  Saxony,  Lothair  of  Sup- 
plinburg,  was  elected  King  of  the  Romans,  but  not 
without  opposition,  as  another  candidate  for  the  throne 
was  Frederick  Duke  of  Suabia,  who  had  many  adhe- 
rents, and  was  a  near  relation  to  the  late  Emperor. 
He  was  of  the  house  of  Weiblingen,  and  from  one  of 
their  castles  he  and  his  family  took  the  name  of  Hohen- 
staufen.    Now,  the  Hohenstaufen  would  not  acquiesce 


I.XTRODUCTORY.  3 

in  the  election  of  Lothair,  and  there  was  war  in  Ger- 
many. The  Saxon  Lothair  attached  himself  to  the 
Pope,  and  Honorius  openly  supported  him,  but  profit- 
ing by  his  weakness,  imposed  the  authority  of  the 
Papacy  on  the  Empire  to  which  he  was  aspiring,  and 
obtained  from  the  needy  monarch  humble  demonstra- 
tions of  reverence  and  willing  submission.  Thus  the 
imperial  authority  was  waning  before  the  papal  in  the 
eyes  of  men,  while  the  Empire  itself,  intended  for 
Lothair,  was  weakened  by  the  discords  which  were 
rending  Germany.  Bohemia  had  given  Lothair  a  great 
deal  of  trouble,  and  the  Hohenstaufen  were  still  power- 
ful against  him.  Frederick  of  Suabia  had  given  up 
his  pretensions  in  favour  of  his  brother  Conrad,  who 
now  contested  the  crown,  and  in  December  1127  Per" 
suaded  some  of  the  princes  to  declare  him  king  at 
Spires.  He  did  not,  however,  meet  with  much  favour, 
and  especially  the  German  clergy,  whom  Lothair  flat- 
tered, were  opposed  to  his  usurping  election.  Con- 
rad, seeing  that  he  did  not  succeed  in  Germany, 
appealed  to  Italy,  where,  with  the  help  of  the  Milanese 
archbishop,  Anselm  Pusterla,  he  was  crowned  with  the 
iron  crown  at  Milan,  and  in  Tuscany  put  forward  his 
pretensions  to  the  inheritance  of  the  Countess  Matilda. 
These  pretensions,  and  the  traditions  of  his  family, 
which  were  adverse  to  the  Chui'ch,  were  in  themselves 
enough  to  estrange  from  him  Honorius,  who  remained 
a  firm  supporter  of  the  pliant  and  legitimate  Lothair. 
Conrad,  excommunicated,  and  rendered  for  the  time 
powerless,  stayed  on  in  Italy,  protected  rather  than 
supported  by  isolated  bishops  or  princes,  and  here  and 
there  by   some  municipality.     It  is  a  strange   coinci- 


4        The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

dence  that  lie  was  always  favoured  by  the  commune 
of  Milan,  which  was  destined  in  time  to  become  Italy's 
strongest  bulwark  against  the  attacks  of  the  house  of 
Suabia. 

In  the  meantime  Honorius  died,  and  the  election  of 
his  successor  gave  rise  to  a  schism  in  the  Church. 
Two  cardinals  were  elected  at  the  same  time,  both 
Romans.  One  was  Gregory,  of  the  Papareschi,  who 
took  the  name  of  Innocent  II.,  the  other,  Peter,  of  the 
powerful  family  of  the  Pierleoni,  assumed  the  name  of 
Anacletus  II.  Each  had  good  reasons  for  asserting  that 
his  election  was  canonical,  so  that  the  question  remained 
an  open  one,  and  the  schism  grew  to  such  a  height 
that  it  was  impossible  either  to  suppress  or  to  compose 
it.  Innocent  and  Anacletus  both  made  great  efforts  to 
draw  over  Lothair  to  their  side,  but  he,  taken  up  with 
the  discords  in  Germany,  hesitated,  and  lost  the  oppor- 
tunity of  affirming  his  authority  while  the  Papacy  was 
enfeebled  by  internal  divisions.  Other  forces,  however, 
were  making  their  influence  felt  in  Europe,  and  they 
served  to  balance,  and  sometimes  to  rule,  that  power 
which  hitherto  was  centred  in  the  courts  and  councils 
of  kings.  In  a  thousand  different  forms,  and  in  almost 
every  direction,  the  universal  conscience  of  the  people 
was  awaking  to  a  greater  activity,  and  often  declared 
itself  by  the  very  voice  of  those  who  inspired  it.  A 
wonderful  man,  Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  whose  fiery  soul 
felt  all  the  mysterious  fascination  of  his  age,  exercised 
an  extraordinary  influence  over  European  thought  by 
awakening  in  his  contemporaries  his  own  feelings.  He 
saw  clearly  how  disastrous  for  the  Church  at  this  critical 
moment  any  disunion  must  be,  and,  after  a  brief  hesi- 


I.XTRODUCTORY.  5 

tation,  he  threw  himself  resolutely  into  the  contest. 
Espousing  the  cause  of  Innocent,  he  undertook  his 
defence  with  that  persevering,  unflinching  ardour  pecu- 
liar to  him ;  nor  did  he  cease  to  support  him  till  suc- 
cess crowned  his  efforts.  First  he  obtained  from 
France  the  recognition  of  Innocent,  who  had  taken 
refuge  there  from  Rome,  where  the  party  of  Anacletus 
was  the  strongest.  The  example  of  France  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  king  of  England,  and  finally  by  Lothair, 
who  in  1 1  3  I  met  Innocent  at  Liege,  and  was  crowned 
there  by  him. 

Thus  the  schism  might  have  been  healed,  but  in 
Italy  the  difficulties  were  more  numerous,  and  the 
interests  involved  were  complex  and  various.  In 
North  and  Central  Italy  the  communes,  which  were 
slowly  growing  during  the  struggle  between  the 
Church  and  Empire,  had  now  reached  a  state  of 
great  prosperity.  Feudalism,  weakened,  and  even  in 
many  places  destroyed,  was  losing  ground  before 
the  invasion  of  popular  government,  and  so  was  the 
temporal  authority  of  the  bishops,  first  raised  by 
the  Ottos,  and  favoured  by  other  emperors.  As  no 
emperor  had  shown  himself  in  Italy  for  a  long  time, 
the  cities  had  taken  advantage  of  this  absence  to 
increase  their  independence  and  free  themselves  from 
every  fetter,  without  disputing  the  sovereignty  of  the 
Empire,  but  merely  letting  its  rights  drop  out  of  use 
and  paying  little  attention  to  its  claims.  They  prospered 
wonderfully,  and  being  favoured  by  the  nature  of  the 
soil,  by  the  qualities  of  the  people,  and  by  the  freedom 
they  enjoyed,  they  added  power  to  riches.  So  while 
the  Venetian,  Genoese,  and  Pisan  ships  were  wandering 


6        The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

over  distant  seas  in  search  of  commerce  and  colonies, 
in  Lombardy  and  Central  Italy  cities  were  rising  every- 
where rich  in  industries  and  culture,  and  Milan  was 
foremost  among  the  many  Lombard  towns,  while 
Bologna  became  a  famous  intellectual  centre,  and 
Florence,  fostered  first  by  the  Countess  Matilda,  and 
now  rising  in  power,  was  unfolding  the  first  pages  of 
her  glorious  history,  destined  to  prove  so  full  of  variety 
and  attraction. 

Except  at  Milan,  the  Antipope  Anacletus  had  not 
met  with  much  support  in  these  parts  of  Italy,  which 
were  generally  friendly  to  Innocent,  and  were,  moreover, 
distracted  by  their  own  private  interests,  and  by  the 
quarrels  and  jealousies  which  were  continually  setting 
one  city  against  another,  and  wasting  much  of  their 
strength.  But  Anacletus,  strongly  entrenched  in  Rome, 
turned  for  support  towards  the  South.  There  the  Nor- 
mans, who  had  formed  a  strong  monarchy,  regarded 
with  suspicion  alike  by  the  Emperors  of  the  East  and  of 
the  West  as  a  threatened  obstacle  to  their  ambitious 
views,  showed  themselves  friendly  or  hostile  to  the 
Popes  according  to  political  exigencies.  Very  obse- 
quious in  speech,  but  cunning  and  resolute  in  purpose, 
they  had  frequent  misunderstandings  with  the  Popes, 
owing  to  the  claims  of  the  pontiff  to  suzerainty  over 
the  whole  kingdom,  and  to  his  absolute  possession  of 
Benevento  and  some  other  places.  Roger  I.  shrewdly 
made  use  of  the  schism,  and  protected  Anacletus,  who 
was  both  the  nearer  and  the  weaker,  receiving  in 
exchange  the  recognition  of  the  royal  title  he  had 
assumed,  the  investiture  of  his  kingdom,  his  claims  to 
which  were  thus  sanctioned,  and  other  exemptions  and 


Introductory.  7 

privileges,  winch,  though,  only  conceded  to  him  by  an 
Antipope,  were  to  be  later  confirmed  and  recognised. 
The  power  of  Roger,  strengthened  by  these  concessions, 
became  threatening  both  for  the  interests  of  the  Papacy 
and  for  those  of  the  Empire,  so  that  Lothair  decided  to 
visit  Italy  notwithstanding  his  difficulties  and  wars  in 
Germany.  He  met  with  some  opposition,  not  sufficient 
to  stop  him,  but  showing  the  spirit  of  the  times  which, 
were  approaching.  On  the  plains  of  Roncaglia,  near 
Piacenza,  he  and  Innocent  II.  met.  and  mai'ched  on 
together  to  Rome.  There  Lothair  was  received  with- 
out  hostilities,  but  was  obliged,  contrary  to  custom,  to 
receive  the  imperial  crown  in  the  Lateran,  because 
Anacletus  and  the  Pierleoni  faction  held  the  right  bank 
of  the  Tiber  and  were  masters  of  St.  Peter's. 

On  this  occasion  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor  con- 
firmed once  more  without  substantial  alterations  the 
conditions  of  the  treaty  of  Worms  with  regard  to  the 
investitures,  but  as  for  the  claims  which  both  put 
forward  to  the  inheritance  of  the  Countess  Matilda, 
while  the  Pope  yielded  them  for  life  and  by  feudal 
investiture  to  Lothair,  he  exacted  at  the  same  time 
a  recognition  of  his  rights  over  them  and  of  his 
sovereignty.  This  was  a  great  point  gained,  and  the 
Popes  were  to  make  use  of  it  later.  A  picture  repre- 
senting Lothair  at  the  Pope's  feet  in  the  act  of  re- 
ceiving the  imperial  crown  was  placed  in  the  Lateran 
to  commemorate  this  event,  and  under  it  were  in- 
scribed two  lines  expressing  very  clearly  the  idea  of 
the  Roman  court,  and  destined  later  to  excite  dis- 
cussions and  discontent  in  Germany.  The  lines  ran 
thus  : — 


S        The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

"  Rex  stetit  ante  fores  iurans  prius  urbis  honores, 
Post  homo  fit  Papee,  sumit  quo  daute  coronam." 

Without  attempting  anything  against  Anacletus, 
who  remained  master  of  Rome,  or  against  Ilo^er  of 
Sicily,  Lothair  soon  returned  to  Germany,  where 
things  took  a  rapid  turn  in  his  favour,  and  even  the 
Hohenstaufen  submitted  themselves  to  him.  Grown 
more  powerful  in  consequence,  and  invoked  by  the 
Pope  and  St.  Bernard,  Lothair  made  a  second  descent 
into  Italy  in  I  136.  Here  and  there  in  the  cities, 
growiug  more  and  more  in  vigour  and  independence, 
he  met  with  opposition,  which  he  baffled  partly  by 
force,  partly  by  prudence.  St.  Bernard,  in  the  mean- 
time, in  his  persevering  apostolate  against  the  schism, 
had  succeeded  in  separating  Milan  from  the  faction 
of  Anacletus.  Innocent,  finding  his  position  in  Rome 
untenable,  had  taken  refuge  at  Pisa,  where  he  held 
a  council  attended  by  St.  Bernard,  and  thence  went 
to  meet  Lothair  at  Bologna.  Then,  instead  of  going 
to  Rome,  the  Pope  and  Emperor  decided  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  South  against  Roo;er  of  Sicilv,  and 
the  expedition  proved  successful.  Lothair  and  his 
Germans,  with  the  assistance  on  the  sea-side  of  the 
Genoese  and  Pisan  ships,  marched  victoriously  across 
Italy,  ravaging  everywhere  as  they  passed,  and  taking 
Capua,  Salei'no,  and  Bari,  while  Innocent  entered  and 
regained  possession  of  Benevento.  But  shortly  after- 
wards, in  a  question  touching  the  Abbey  of  Monte- 
cassino  and  the  Duchy  of  Apulia,  the  same  reasons  and 
claims  which  created  dissensions  between  the  Normans 
and  the  Popes,  aggravated  by  the  inevitable  antago- 
nism of  papal  and  imperial  authority,  began  to  bring 


Introductory.  9 

about  disagreement  between  Innocent  and  Lothair, 
which,  however,  had  no  serious  or  lengthened  conse- 
quences. Lothaii',  suffering  from  age  and  infirmities, 
thought  of  returning  home.  In  the  monastery  of 
Farfa,  in  Sabina,  he  separated  from  the  Pope  and 
started  for  Germany,  but  died  on  the  journey  in  the 
Tyrol,  the  3rd  of  December  I  I  37.  His  death  cleared 
the  way  to  the  throne  for  Conrad  of  Hohenstaufen,  who 
was  elected  King  of  the  Romans  on  the  7th  of  March 
I  I  38,  and  on  the  I  3th  of  the  same  month  was  crowned 
at  Aix-la-Chapelle. 

The  Roman  faction  of  the  Pierleoni  had  lost  ground 
through  the  defeat  of  Roger,  and  the  Frangipani  brought 
back  Innocent  to  Rome.  He  was  now  universally  re- 
cognised as  Pope,  and  the  eloquence  of  St.  Bernard  was 
successful  in  detaching  from  Anacletus  some  of  his 
staunchest  and  most  influential  supporters,  and  even  in 
shaking  Roger  of  Sicily,  who,  however,  did  not  yield 
to  the  extent  of  closing  a  schism  advantageous  to  him- 
self. The  deserted  Antipope  died  shortly  afterwards. 
A  new  Antipope  arose  under  the  name  of  Victor  IV., 
but  before  long  St.  Bernard  brought  him  a  penitent  to 
the  feet  of  Innocent,  and  the  schism  was  at  an  end.  In 
a  Lateran  Council  the  acts  of  Anacletus  were  solemnlv 
annulled,  and  a  sentence  of  excommunication  went  forth 
against  Roger,  who  Lad  again  got  the  upper  hand,  had 
reoccupied  Apulia,  and  invaded  the  possessions  of  the 
Church.  Innocent,  not  contenting  himself  with  spiri- 
tual weapons,  very  imprudently  made  war  upon  him 
in  person  and  entered  his  kingdom,  but  was  soon  sur- 
rounded and  taken  prisoner.  The  wily  Norman  was 
profuse   in    demonstrations  of  reverence  and  devotion 


io      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

towards  his  prisoner,  and  thus  obtained  from  him  the 
investiture  of  the  kingdom  and  the  full  confirmation  of 
all  that  Anacletus  had  given  up  to  him.  After  this 
reconciliation  with  Roger,  Innocent  returned,  humbled 
and  frustrated,  to  Rome,  where  fresh  storms  were  gather- 
ing on  the  horizon. 


(  II  ) 


CHAPTER    II. 

(1138-1154-) 

EUGENIUS  III.  AND  CONRAD  OF  HOHENSTA  UFEN— 
ELECTION  OF  FREDERICK  I. 

The  great  municipal  movement  which  spread  rapidly 
in  Italy  extended  even  to  Rome,  where  pei'haps  a 
certain  autonomy  in  civic  government  had  never  quite 
ceased,  more  or  less  marked  according  to  the  turn  of 
events.  It  may  be  said  that  the  life  of  the  Roman 
municipality  never  died  out,  but  through  all  the  Middle 
Ages  oscillated  like  the  light  of  a  lamp  trembling 
in  the  wind,  now  flaring  up,  now  to  all  appearance 
quenched.  Certainly,  while  elsewhere  the  commune 
developed  and  grew  strong,  in  Rome  it  always  met 
with  special  hindrances.  Rome,  situated  in  the  centre 
of  a  deserted  plain,  unfavourable  to  agriculture  or 
commerce,  was  wanting  in  all  those  material  resources 
which  seconded  the  efforts  of  other  cities.  The  middle- 
class  had  few  means  of  increasing  or  strengthening 
their  position,  and  had  against  them  the  powerful  and 
quarrelsome  nobles,  who  often  divided  the  people  into 
factions,  and  made  use  of  these  divisions  to  weaken 
them.      The  Papacy  and  the  Empire,  with  their  rights 


12       The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstaufen. 

and  claims  of  sovereignty,  circumscribed  the  civic  liber- 
ties, and  through  their  political  universality  absorbed 
the  public  life  of  the  city,  rendering  it  impossible 
for  it  to  expand.  Besides,  Rome  was  a  hindrance  to 
herself.  Weighed  down  by  her  great  name,  she  lost 
herself  in  the  pursuit  of  brilliant  dreams,  and  strove 
to  reacquire  a  position  which  she  could  no  longer 
reach.  She  thus  lost  ground  instead  of  gaining  it, 
and,  in  truth,  all  her  political  life  was  impoverished  by 
the  halo  which  surrounded  her  name. 

Notwithstanding  this,  at  the  time  of  which  I  am 
speaking,  a  new  and  not  inglorious  period  was  opening 
in  her  history,  and  the  commune,  through  a  better 
organisation  of  its  forces,  was  able  in  the  last  days  of 
Innocent  II.  to  affirm  its  independence  with  greater 
confidence.  Disappointed  by  Innocent,  who,  instead 
of  destroying  their  rival  Tivoli,  conquered  by  their 
arms,  made  her  subject  to  himself,  the  Romans  rose, 
and  throwing  off  the  papal  yoke,  formed  themselves 
into  a  free  republic.  It  was  the  year  1143.  Old 
names,  never  entirely  forgotten,  were  revived ;  the 
Capitol  was  restored,  the  name  of  senator  renewed, 
— memories  and  illusions  which  had  been  lovingly 
cherished  through  ages  of  fallen  greatness.  The  great 
nobles,  almost  always  hostile  to  any  attempt  to  develop 
the  Roman  commune,  this  time  for  a  moment  did 
not  oppose  it,  while  it  was  especially  favoured  by  a 
lesser  nobility,  who,  issuing  in  a  certain  measure  from 
the  people,  and  bound  to  it,  succeeded  in  holding  the 
government  of  the  city  with  a  sufficiently  firm  hand, 
in  as  far  as  the  times,  full  of  hindrances  and  rapid 
changes,  would  permit. 


EUGENWS   AND    C OX  RAD.  I  3 

Innocent  II.,  overcome  by  the  revolution  and  worn 
out,  died  shortly  afterwards  in  September  1 143  ;  nor 
could  Celestin  II.,  who  was  Pope  after  him  for  only 
a  few  months,  do  anything  towards  subduing  the 
Eomans.  His  successor,  Lucius  II.,  was  even  more 
unfortunate.  First  he  tried  to  oppose  Roger  of  Sicily, 
refusing  to  confirm  Innocent  II.'s  concessions ;  but 
I'oger  threw  a  band  of  soldiers  into  the  Campagna, 
who  ravaged  it  as  far  as  Ferentino,  and  occupied  Terra- 
cina.  The  Eomans  meanwhile  took  the  opportunity 
of  abolishing  the  office  of  prefect,  whose  authority  was 
exercised  on  the  Pope's  behalf,  and  renewed  in  his 
place  the  ancient  dignity  of  patrician,  with  powers 
held  from  themselves.  Having  raised  Giordano  Pier- 
leoni  to  this  position,  they  intimated  to  the  Pope  to 
hand  over  to  him  all  the  royalties  within  and  without 
the  city.  After  having  vainly  invoked  the  aid  of 
Conrad  of  Hohenstaufen,  whose  troubles  at  home  pre- 
vented his  giving  any  heed,  Lucius  II.  attempted  to 
seize  the  Capitol  by  force,  but  was  repulsed.  He  died 
the  15th  of  February  I  145,  some  say  from  a  wound 
inflicted  by  a  stone  during  the  unsuccessful  assault  on 
the  Capitol. 

To  him  succeeded  Bernard,  abbot  of  the  monastery  of 
St.  Anastasius  at  the  Three  Fountains  near  the  Ostian 
Basilica,  a  disciple  of  St.  Bernard,  who  at  first  seemed 
alarmed  at  the  election,  expecting  from  the  new  Pope 
less  aptitude  for  government  than  was  afterwards  shown 
by  him.  He  took  the  name  of  Eugenius  III.  He 
reached  the  papacy  in  very  stormy  times,  and  had 
to  commence  by  flight  in  order  not  to  bow  to  the 
Ttoman  senate,  which  threatened    forcibly  to  prevent 


14      The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstaufen. 

his  consecration  unless  lie  would  recognise  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  city.  First  ho  took  refuge  in  the 
monastery  of  Farfa,  where  he  was  consecrated  the  4th 
of  March  1  145.  then  went  to  reside  at  Viterbo,  as  it 
was  impossible  to  return  to  Rome,  where  the  republi- 
can constitution  was  daily  being  more  and  more  firmly 
organised. 

But  these  republican  and  reforming  tendencies  did 
not  attack  the  idea  of  the  Empire  and  Papacy,  which 
in  the  mind  of  all  Christendom  was  inseparable  from 
the  idea  of  human  society.  Rome  only  desired  to 
shake  herself  free  from  the  immediate  rule  of  the 
Pope  by  creating  a  separate  and  popular  government, 
and,  in  her  confused  love  for  all  that  was  ancient,  was 
disposed  to  amalgamate  with  the  republic,  and  make 
again  her  very  own  that  Empire  which  had  now  be- 
come essentially  German,  and  retained  nothing  Roman 
but  its  name  and  its  claims  on  a  dominion  over  the 
city. 

Characteristic  of  this  is  a  letter  which  the  Romans 
sent,  a  little  later,  to  Conrad  III.,  inviting  him  to 
Rome  to  receive  from  them  the  imperial  crown,  and 
take  up  his  residence  in  the  ancient  metropolis  of  the 
world,  whence  he  could  far  better  rule  over  Italy  and 
Germany.  But  the  insuperable  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  any  such  supremacy  for  them  regarding  the  Empire 
as  much  as  the  Papacy  soon  showed  themselves. 
Conrad  did  not  even  reply  to  the  request  of  the 
Romans,  and  already  the  Pope  had  found  support  in 
the  jealousies  aroused  by  the  new  republic.  Not  satis- 
fied with  depriving  the  Pope  of  every  dominion  within 
the  city,  the   Romans  began  now  to  attempt  to  do  the 


EUGEN1US   AND    C  ON  RAD.  I  5 

same  in  the  surrounding  country,  and  to  extend  their 
own  power.  This  attempt  met  with  prompt  resist- 
ance. The  neighbouring  cities,  hated  by  Rome  and 
hostile  to  her,  and  the  great  Roman  nobles,  fearing  for 
their  possessions  in  the  Campagna,  which  were  the 
sources  of  their  power,  united  themselves  with  the 
Pope  against  Rome.  The  city  had  soon  to  yield,  to 
receive  the  Pope  within  her  walls,  abolish  the  patri- 
cian, restore  the  prefect,  recognise  again  the  sove- 
reignty of  the  Church,  and  promise  to  pay  her  tribute. 
The  Pope  celebrated  the  Christmas  of  1 1 46  with  all 
solemnity  in  Rome,  but  he  was  not  strong  enough  to 
govern  the  city.  The  new  republican  order  remained, 
and  the  authority  of  the  senate  continued  as  before. 
In  reality,  rather  than  a  peace  between  subjects  and 
sovereign,  a  truce  had  been  concluded  between  two 
contending  parties  ;  nor  did  the  truce  last  long.  Very 
soon  fresh  grounds  for  disagreement  obliged  Eugenius 
to  leave  Rome  a  second  time,  and  the  Romans  were 
still  free. 

Henceforth  it  was  clear  that  the  Pope  could  not 
return  to  Rome  with  any  prospect  of  security  without 
the  assistance  of  King  Conrad,  and  Eugenius  reiterated 
his  prayers  that  he  should  descend  into  Italy,  restore 
order,  and  receive  the  imperial  crown.  The  Lombard 
cities,  arrogant,  forgetful  of  their  subjection  to  the 
Empire,  and  in  continual  broils  among  themselves, 
Rome  in  rebellion,  the  ever-increasing  and  menacing 
power  of  Roger  of  Sicily,  all  these  were  reasons  for  his 
coming.  But  Conrad  delayed  without  refusing.  He 
had  too  many  anxieties  in  Germany  to  be  able  to  leave 
it  easily   and  throw  himself  into   such  an  enterprise, 


1 6      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

and  perhaps  he  secretly  was  not  ill  pleased  at  the  dis- 
sensions between  the  Pope  and  the  Romans.  These 
even  increased  instead  of  diminishing,  encouraged  as 
they  were  by  Arnold  of  Brescia,  who  was  in  Rome  at 
this  time,  and  the  soul  of  the  new  republic. 

That  spirit  of  inquiry  which  with  Anselm  of  Aosta 
had  started  from  the  standpoint  of  Faith  to  seek  the 
reason  of  things,  was  now  threading  the  opposite  path 
with  Abelard,  working  out  dangerous  problems,  subtle, 
inquisitive,  almost  petulant,  starting  from  Reason  to 
scrutinise  the  mvsteries  of  Faith.  And  Arnold,  differ- 
ing  from  his  master  Abelard  in  greater  force  of  character, 
less  speculative  and  more  inclined  to  action,  was  like 
him  in  his  impatience  with  what  appeared  to  him  false, 
and  in  his  pugnacity  in  trying  to  overthrow  it.  His 
adversaries  say  that  he  loved  popularity,  and  perhaps, 
man  of  the  people  as  he  was,  he  did  love  it,  but  his 
heart  burnt  with  an  apostolic  zeal  which  left  him  no 
rest.  He  was  pious,  austere,  eloquent ;  persecutions, 
exile,  his  wandering  life,  all  added  fuel  to  the  flame 
and  energy  to  his  character.  In  Lombardy  first  he 
had  aroused  enthusiasm,  preaching  against  the  im- 
morality and  riches  of  the  clergy ;  he  was  persecuted 
by  Maifred,  bishop  of  Brescia,  and  condemned  by  the 
Chui'ch,  was  obliged  to  go  into  exile,  and  took  refuge 
in  France  towards  the  end  of  1139.  The  following 
year  this  ardent  man  appeared  at  the  famous  Council 
of  Sens  by  the  side  of  Abelard,  true  and  steadfast 
against  St.  Bernard,  his  master's  great  enemy,  and 
henceforth  inexorably  his  own.  And  when  Abelard 
gave  way  before  the  terrible  monk,  Arnold  held  out, 
and  at  St.  Genevieve,  where  years  before  he  had  lis- 


EUGENIUS  AND    CONRAD.  \J 

tened  to  his  master's  teaching,  he  undertook  to  lecture, 
and  added  perhaps  on  his  own  account  violent  invec- 
tives against  the  corrupt  Church  and  her  principal 
rulers.  St.  Bernard  attacked  him.  They  were  two 
apostles,  unspotted  and  tenacious,  armed  for  the  combat 
with  equal  ardour  but  unequal  weapons.  Bernard  had 
on  his  side  the  spirit  of  his  times,  and  was  the  stronger. 
Arnold  was  obliged  to  leave  France,  and  withdrew  to 
Zurich,  where  he  gained  followers,  but,  persecuted 
there  also,  he  took  refuge  under  the  protection  of  a 
Cardinal  Guido,  who  was  then  legate  in  Germany. 
With  him  he  returned  to  Italy,  and  at  Viterbo  saw 
Euo-enius  III.,  who  absolved  him  on  condition  that  he 
should  do  penance  as  a  pilgrim  at  the  Roman  shrines, 
and  Arnold  accepted  the  condition,  if  we  may  trust  a 
well-informed  contemporary,  John  of  Salisbury,  the 
only  one  who  reports  this  circumstance.  But  soon 
after  Arnold  reappears  the  same  man  as  before, 
spreading  his  teaching  of  reform  and  freedom  in 
Rome.  To  the  republican  movement  of  Lombardy,  to 
the  traditions  of  the  Pataria,  which  had  crept  in  among 
the  common  people  of  his  native  Brescia,  and  now 
betrayed  an  heretical  tendency,  to  the  philosophical 
movement  in  Paris,  where  Arnold  had  absorbed  the 
teachings  of  Abelard,  to  all  these  influences  was  added 
a  literary  awakening  which  led  men's  intellects  towards 
the  pure  sources  of  Latin  writers,  and  was  an  early 
prelude  of  the  Renaissance,  arousing  in  all  hearts  the 
love  and  the  memory  of  classic  lore.  As  he  gazed  from 
the  restored  Capitol  down  on  the  broken  columns  of  the 
Forum,  how  could  he  escape  the  silent  charm  of  those 
scattered  ruins ;  and  surrounded  as  he  was  by  sacred 

C.  H.  B 


iS      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

memories  of  the  primitive  Church,  her  humility  and 
holy  poverty,  how  could  he  help  inveighing  against 
the  worldliness  and  riches  of  the  Church  of  his  day  ? 
So  the  thunders  of  his  voice  aroused  the  Eomans,  who, 
eager  for  novelty,  listened  to  him  gladly,  and  gave 
him  a  large  share  in  the  councils  and  the  government 
of  their  city,  where,  among  other  things,  he  helped  to 
reorganise,  under  the  old  name  of  equestrian  order,  that 
militia  composed  of  the  lesser  nobles  and  of  the  more 
conspicuous  families  of  the  people  which  formed  the 
sinews  of  the  army  in  the  free  republics  of  Lombardy. 
In  the  meantime,  serious  events  were  agitating 
Christendom,  and  for  a  moment  took  off  the  attention 
of  Eugenius  III.  from  Rome.  The  first  Crusade  had 
not  broken  the  power  of  the  Mussulman,  and  from  the 
Easteim  Christians  came  continual  and  persistent  en- 
treaties for  help,  and  accounts  of  injuries  suffered  and 
dangers  menaced.  The  Pope  turned  to  the  French 
for  a  new  crusade,  and  King  Louis  VII.  declared  his 
readiness  to  undertake  it.  Eugenius  then  confided  to 
St.  Bernard  the  mission  of  proclaiming  the  holy  war 
among  the  nations.  His  preaching  aroused  the  greatest 
enthusiasm  in  all  classes.  The  churches  were  too  small 
to  contain  his  hearers,  and  he  was  obliged  to  preach  in 
the  open  air  to  the  crowds  who  flocked  to  take  the  cross 
from  the  hands  of  this  inspired  man  speaking  in  the 
name  of  God.  From  France  Bernard  passed  into  Ger- 
many, and  at  Mentz,  Frankfort,  and  Spires,  wherever  he 
went,  the  excitement  was  the  same.  Conrad  III.  received 
the  apostle  of  the  cross  with  clue  honour,  but,  on  the 
plea  that  the  affairs  of  his  kingdom  would  not  allow  of 
it,  showed  unwillingness  to  take  part  in  the  enterprise. 


EU GENIUS   AND    COXRAD.  1 9 

Popular  feeling,  however,  was  strong-,  and  a  more  than 
usually  eloquent  sermon  of  St.  Bernard's  seemed  to 
overcome  his  hesitation,  so  that,  much  moved  and  in 
tears,  he  interrupted  the  Saint  in  order  to  offer  him- 
self to  God  and  take  up  the  cross.  Bernard  regarded 
this  as  a  miracle  worked  by  God,  nay,  as  he  called  it, 
the  miracle  of  miracles ;  but  in  his  apostolic  zeal  he 
had  far  exceeded  the  prudent  wishes  of  the  Pope. 
Eugenius  would  have  preferred  that  Conrad  should 
have  remained  in  Europe  to  look  after  Germany  and 
to  be  free  to  come  into  Italy,  receive  the  imperial 
crown,  and  restore  papal  authority  in  Rome.  But  it 
was  not  for  the  Pope  to  make  difficulties  in  such  a 
case.  When  Conrad  had  put  the  affairs  of  the  king- 
dom into  some  sort  of  order,  he  had  his  youthful  son 
Henry  proclaimed  king,  and  left  him  ruler  of  the  state 
under  a  regency.  Together  with  Conrad,  a  nephew  of 
his  had  taken  the  cross,  Frederick,  son  of  Frederick 
of  Suabia,  a  young  man  of  brilliant  pix>mise,  who  was 
to  acquire  his  first  reputation  as  a  warrior  in  the 
East,  and,  after  having  filled  Europe  with  his  name, 
was  to  return  there  later  to  end  a  life  full  of  glorious 
vicissitudes. 

While  this  crusading  excitement  was  at  its  height, 
Eugenius  III.  had  gone  to  France  in  March  1 147,  and 
had  blessed  its  king  before  his  departure.  There  the 
Pope  resided  for  about  a  year,  and  for  some  time  he 
also  went  to  Germany,  attending  principally  to  the 
ecclesiastical  affairs  of  those  countries,  and  in  the 
absence  of  the  sovereigns  trying  to  gain  power  and 
adherents  for  the  Church.  He  was  received  with 
great  honour  at  Paris  and  Triers,  and  held  a  solemn 


20      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

council  at  Elieims.  But  he  did  not  gain  all  the  in- 
fluence he  expected,  and  left  France  just  as  the  first 
mournful  tidings  came  of  the  Crusaders'  misfortunes 
in  arms.  Amidst  the  general  discouragement  the 
Church  and  the  Pope  lost  ground,  whereas  he  had 
hoped  that  this  crusade  should  increase  their  dignity 
and  power  among  the  nations.  Eugenius,  on  return- 
ing to  Italy,  found  himself  as  before  in  difficulties 
with  i-egard  to  Rome,  and  saw  little  prospect  of  assist- 
ance. He  could  not  turn  to  Germany,  as  there  the 
internal  discords  were  raging  more  fiercely  than  ever ; 
his  journey  had  somewhat  diminished  his  influence 
with  the  clergy  there,  and  the  archbishops  of  Cologne 
and  Mentz  were  his  enemies.  Besides,  Conrad's  absence 
deprived  the  Germans  of  every  opportunity  of  inter- 
fering in  Italian  affairs.  From  the  Italian  republics 
there  was  no  support  to  be  expected,  or  if  any,  of 
a  most  inefficient  description.  Meanwhile,  Arnold  of 
Brescia  in  republican  Rome  continued  fierce  and  im- 
placable, spreading  his  doctrines,  which  were  subver- 
sive of  the  discipline  and  temporal  constitution  of  the 
Church,  and  here  and  there  heterodox  in  doctrine. 

As  soon  as  Eugenius  reached  Lombardy,  he  felt 
the  necessity  of  making  a  stand  against  such  attacks, 
and  from  Brescia  herself  he  hurled  forth  anathemas 
against  the  daring  Brescian  innovator.  This  latter, 
however,  did  not  yield,  but  continued  with  ever-increas- 
ing ardour  to  speak  against  the  evils  of  the  Papal  Court 
to  the  Romans,  who  clung  ever  the  more  to  him  and 
promised  to  defend  him  against  every  enemy.  Euge- 
nius came  on  to  Pisa,  and  having  gained  over  that 
town  to  his  cause,  advanced  towards  Rome  as  far  as 


Eu  GEN  I  US  AND    CONRAD.  21 

Tusculum.  Determined  to  re-enter  the  city,  and  see- 
ing no  other  means,  he  collected  an  army  at  a  great 
cost,  thereby  scandalising  St.  Bernard  and  another 
eminent  ecclesiastic,  Gerohus  of  Reichersberg,  from 
both  of  whom  he  received  letters  full  of  bitter  re- 
proaches. With  these  soldiers,  and  assisted  by  the 
greater  Roman  nobles,  unchangingly  hostile  to  the 
republic,  and  by  Roger  of  Sicily,  who  was  approaching 
the  Church  again  with  a  view  to  obtaining  definitely 
the  concessions  he  wanted,  Eugenius  threatened  Rome. 
The  city,  hard  pressed,  was  obliged  to  agree  to  let  him 
enter  once  more  in  November  1 149.  But  the  senate 
would  on  no  account  allow  Arnold  to  be  exiled  from 
Rome,  and  the  republic  remained  with  its  prophet 
respected  and  unharmed  in  spite  of  the  Pope,  who, 
notwithstanding  his  armed  bands,  re-entered  the  town 
rather  as  a  guest  than  as  a  master. 

It  is  easy  to  understand  how  Eugenius  could  not 
this  time  either  remain  long  in  Rome.  In  June  1 1  5  o 
he  retired  to  Albano,  then  to  Anagni  and  Ceprano, 
where  he  met  Roger  of  Sicily,  and  entered  into  long 
negotiations  with  him  touching  the  questions  per- 
petually pending  between  the  courts  of  Rome  and 
Sicily.  The  investiture  of  the  kingdom  and  the  con- 
cessions implying  a  more  or  less  formal  renunciation 
of  papal  pretensions  in  Apulia  were  the  knot  which 
nothing  availed  to  untie,  and  which  prevented  any 
lasting  understanding ;  so  that  not  even  from  Roger 
could  any  efficient  assistance  be  reckoned  upon  for  the 
subjugation  of  Rome  and  the  expulsion  of  Arnold. 

But  in  this  interval  Conrad  III.  had  returned  from 
the  Crusade  at  a  fortunate  moment  for  Germany,  as  the 


22      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

dissensions  had  increased  during  his  absence,  and  only 
a  boy's  hand  was  holding  the  reins  of  state.  The 
old  and  unhealed  feud  between  the  Welf  and  the  Weib- 
lingen  families  broke  out  worse  than  ever,  and  a  num- 
ber of  important  questions  in  Poland  and  elsewhere 
demanded  Conrad's  immediate  attention.  But  he  also 
recognised  the  urgency  of  his  presence  in  Italy,  where 
the  various  republics  were  growing  oblivious  of  the 
ties  which  should  bind  them  to  Germany,  and  where  it 
still  remained  for  him  to  assume  the  Roman  crown  of 
empire.  Above  all,  he  was  suspicious  of  King  Roger, 
who,  master  of  the  whole  south  of  Italy,  had  widely 
extended  his  power  by  sea  and  land,  and  by  success- 
ful naval  expeditions  against  Greece  and  the  coast  of 
Africa  had  possessed  himself  of  Tripoli  and  Tunis, 
while  the  crusadinsr  forces  were  wasting  themselves 
in  fruitless  efforts  against  the  Mussulman  in  the  Holy 
Land. 

The  republican  senate  of  Rome  and  the  Pope  both 
had  recourse  to  Conrad,  each  offering  him  the  crown, 
of  which  both  thought  themselves  the  rightful  dis- 
pensers. The  letter  of  the  Romans,  to  which  we  have 
already  alluded,  perhaps  written  or  inspired  by  Arnold 
of  Brescia,  exhorted  the  King  to  come  and  affirm  once 
more  the  imperial  supremacy  over  the  Pope,  insinuat- 
ing at  the  same  time  that  Eugenius  was  unfriendly  to 
him  and  in  secret  alliance  with  Roger.  The  Pope,  on 
the  other  hand,  accused  the  Romans  of  wanting  to  elect 
an  emperor  of  their  own  without  regard  to  the  rights 
of  the  German  king.  Conrad  paid  little  heed  to  the 
Romans  and  entered  into  negotiations  with  the  Pope, 
which  dragged  on  slowly,  and  were  repeatedly  inter- 


EU GENIUS   AND    CONRAD.  2$ 

rupted  and  then  taken  up  again.  The  principal  ground 
for  delay  was  the  still  unsettled  state  of  Germany, 
consequent  specially  on  the  revolt  of  Henry  the  Lion, 
Duke  of  Saxony,  celebrated  for  the  crusade  he  had 
undertaken  against  the  heathen  Slavs  and  for  his  vic- 
tories over  them.  Moreover,  there  contributed  other 
causes  of  delay :  the  then  poor  health  of  Conrad,  the 
death  of  his  son,  the  thirteen-year  old  King  Henry, 
which  added  to  the  fears  and  agitations  of  Germany, 
and  perhaps  also  a  certain  almost  instinctive  feeling  of 
suspicion  between  the  German  and  Papal  courts.  One 
would  have  said  that  some  adverse  fate  held  Conrad 
back  from  Italy,  but  at  length  everything  seemed 
settled,  and  the  expedition  into  Italy  decided  on. 
After  bending  the  pride  of  the  Lombard  cities,  he  was 
to  assume  the  imperial  crown,  put  down  the  Eoman 
rebellion,  and,  with  Constantinople  and  Venice  as  allies, 
destroy  the  kingdom  of  Sicily.  The  nth  of  June 
1 1  5  i,  at  the  Diet  of  Eegensburg  he  publicly  announced 
the  undertaking,  and  it  was  favourably  received  by 
many  of  the  princes.  In  September  he  repeated  the 
announcement  at  the  Diet  of  Wtirzburg,  and  agreed 
with  his  barons  to  make  the  expedition  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  thinking  in  the  meantime  to  arrange  matters 
in  Germany  and  put  an  end  to  the  revolt  of  Henry  the 
Lion.  Meanwhile  he  had  sent  his  ambassadors  to 
Constantinople  and  to  the  Pope>  the  first  to  strengthen 
the  alliance  against  Roger,  the  others  to  facilitate  the 
journey  to  Italy  and  come  to  an  understanding  with 
the  Pontiff,  who  received  them  with  the  greatest  cor- 
diality. But  the  crown  of  the  Empire  was  not  des- 
tined for  Conrad,  and  on  the  I  5th  of  February  1 1  52 


24      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

lie  died  at  Bamberg  after  fourteen  years'  reign.  He 
left  an  only  son,  Frederick,  a  boy  of  eight,  but  in  his 
last  moments,  reflecting  on  the  disturbed  state  of  Ger- 
many and  of  the  Empire,  he  prudently  recommended 
to  the  electors  as  his  successor  his  nephew  Frederick 
of  Hohenstaufen,  Duke  of  Suabia. 

The  4th  of  March  1 1  5  2  Frederick  was  elected  king 
at  Frankfort,  and  men's  minds  turned  anxiously  to 
him,  full  of  hope  that  he  might  be  able  to  re-estab- 
lish order  in  the  thoroughly  disorganised  realm.  Dur- 
ing the  reign  of  Conrad  Germany  had  passed  through 
endless  internal  struggles  in  a  period  of  painful  growth, 
and  the  arduous  times  had  hindered  and  diminished 
the  efficacy  of  that  sovereign's  valuable  qualities.  He 
had  been  obliged  to  undertake  too  many  things,  and 
consequently  had  hardly  been  able  to  complete  any. 
It  was  for  his  successor  to  concentrate  the  scattered 
forces,  combine  and  order  them  for  one  common  object, 
give  Germany  quiet  within  and  authority  without  by 
raising  afresh  the  dignity  of  the  Roman  Germanic 
Empire,  now  so  enfeebled  as  to  seem  destined  to  perish 
for  want  of  vitality,  unless  some  one  should  be  found 
to  restore  it  once  more  to  the  glorious  days  of  Charle- 
magne and  the  first  Otto.  And  indeed  the  spirit  of 
those  great  men  animated  the  youthful  ambition  of 
Frederick,  who  ascended  the  throne  with  his  imagina- 
tion full  of  their  greatness,  and  his  heart  burning  to 
imitate  them.  From  his  father  he  inherited  the  Ghi- 
belline  blood  of  the  Hohenstaufen,  through  his  mother 
he  was  related  to  the  family  of  the  Guelphs,  thus  blend- 
ing in  his  person  the  two  rival  races,  as  if  in  him  were 
at  last  to  be  quenched  the  animosities  which  for  so  long 


Frederick  I.  25 

had  steeped  Germany  in  blood.  He  was  scarcely  thirty, 
of  middle  stature,  of  pleasing  and  dignified  appear- 
ance ;  his  teeth  were  white,  his  mouth  full  and  smiling  ; 
he  had  blue  eyes,  a  fresh  colour,  red  hair  and  beard, 
whence  the  famous  name  of  Barbarossa  given  to  him 
by  the  Italians.  Skilled  in  arms,  careless  of  fatigue 
or  danger,  he  had  gained  a  high  reputation  in  the 
East  and  in  his  own  country  as  a  valiant  and  ex- 
perienced leader.  Eesolute,  born  to  command,  dis- 
criminating, he  understood  ruling  men,  and,  when 
necessary,  nattering  them.  He  was  severe  and  often 
ferocious  against  such  opposition  as  he  could  break 
down  by  force  or  in  the  impetus  of  war,  and  showed 
his  ferocity  sometimes  calculatingly,  sometimes  in  real 
anger,  but  never  was  coldly  or  uselessly  cruel.  Long- 
ing for  glory,  ambitious,  haughty  and  tenacious,  but 
neither  so  haughty  nor  so  tenacious  as  not  to  know 
how  to  yield  when  necessary,  and  prosecute  his  ends 
by  other  means.  His  culture  was  not  great,  but  his 
intelligence  was  quick,  and  he  enjoyed  the  conversa- 
tion of  learned  men  ;  and  though  he  spoke  Latin  with 
difficulty,  he  read  it  with  pleasure,  especially  histories 
telling  of  the  grandeur  and  glory  of  that  empire  which 
he  wished  to  restore.  For  on  him  also  the  revival  of 
classic  culture  exercised  its  wonted  fascination,  and 
around  him  gathered  the  Italian  jurists  who  were 
reviving  the  study  of  Eoman  imperial  law,  and  saw  in 
him  the  restored  image  of  the  ancient  Empire.  Vain 
evocation !  The  first  Frederick  of  Hohenstaufen  was 
in  truth  a  German  emperor,  nor  perhaps  did  any 
sovereign  ever  represent  a  more  perfect  type  of  the 
virtues  and  failings  of  Teutonic  genius. 


26      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

As  soon  as  he  had  assumed  the  crown  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  on  the  9th  of  March  1 152,  Frederick  sent 
into  Italy  as  ambassadors  lllinus,  archbishop-elect  of 
Triers,  and  Eberard,  bishop  of  Bamberg.  After  that  he 
immediately  turned  his  attention  to  the  affairs  of  Ger- 
many, first  on  the  Rhine  and  then  in  Saxony,  where 
there  was  special  need  of  his  care.  At  Merserburch 
he  held  a  diet  to  decide  a  question  pending  between 
two  Danish  princes,  Sweyn  and  Cnut,  both  pretenders 
to  the  throne  of  Denmark.  Sweyn  received  the  royal 
title,  and  did  liege  homage  to  Frederick.  A  more 
difficult  question  arose  immediately  afterwards  in  Sax- 
ony which  brought  Frederick  into  contact  with  the 
Roman  Church.  People's  minds  were  divided  regard- 
ing the  election  of  the  archbishop  of  Magdeburg,  part 
of  the  votes  being  given  to  Gerard,  provost  of  the 
Magdeburg  diocese,  part  to  the  dean  of  the  same 
church.  When  the  matter  was  brought  before  the 
King,  he  induced  those  who  supported  the  dean  to  give 
their  votes  to  a  third,  the  bishop  Wichmann,  and  with- 
out further  delay  recognised  him  and  invested  him  with 
the  royalties.  He  thus  introduced  by  implication  a 
favourable  interpretation  of  the  rights  which  the  Con- 
cordat of  Worms  had  given  him.  Then  he  started  for 
Bavaria,  where  he  found  the  ambassadors  sent  by  him 
into  Italy,  who  were  bringing  him  good  accounts  of 
their  reception.  In  fact,  Eugenius  III.  had  written 
immediately  from  Segni  to  Frederick,  congratulating 
him  on  his  election,  and  expressing  a  hope  that  he 
would  proceed  to  Rome  to  fulfil  the  promise  made  by 
Conrad  ;  he  also  announced  that  he  would  soon  send 
an  embassy.      And  a  few  months  later,  in  writing  to 


Frederick  I.  27 

Vibald,  abbot  of  Corvey,  Eugenius  returned  to  the 
subject  which  most  nearly  touched  him,  telling  of  the 
changes  which  the  heretical  Arnold  was  planning  in 
Rome  without  the  knowledge  of  the  nobles  and  leading 
men  of  the  city,  and  telling  also  of  the  two  thousand 
people  who  were  conspiring  shortly  to  elect  a  hundred 
senators  for  life,  and  two  consuls,  one  of  whom  they 
would  have  proclaimed  emperor.  He  concluded  the 
letter  by  asking  the  abbot  to  confide  these  matters  in 
eecret  to  Frederick. 

Notwithstanding  his  pressing  need  and  desire  to 
gain  over  the  new  king,  Eugenius  did  not  show  any 
disposition  to  yield  in  the  matter  of  Magdeburg,  and 
protested  that  Frederick  had  exceeded  his  powers,  and 
that  the  canon  law  did  not  recognise  the  translation  of 
Wichmann  made  in  that  way.  But  Frederick  stood 
firm,  and  the  question  was  still  unsettled  when  Euge- 
nius III.  died  at  Tivoli  on  the  8th  of  July  1 1 53, 
after  having  made  another  short  stay  in  Eome.  His 
successor,  Anastasius  IV.,  was  obliged  to  yield  to  the 
Strong  will  of  Frederick  and  grant  the  pallium  to 
Wichmann.  Meanwhile  Frederick  was  giving  all  his 
attention  to  establishing  order  in  Germany,  and  ini- 
tiated the  decision  regarding  the  contested  duchy  of 
Bavaria  in  favour  of  the  Saxon  Henry  the  Lion,  a 
powerful  prince,  whom  he  loved  and  wished  to  conciliate 
with  the  Empire.  He  wanted  him  with  him  in  Italy, 
whither  he  was  drawn  by  the  presentiment  of  great 
enterprises,  the  imperial  crown,  the  exhortations  of 
the  exiled  barons  of  Apulia  conspiring  against  the 
Sicilian  king,  and  the  invitations  of  many  Italian  cities, 
who  hoped   for  assistance  from  him    against   powerful 


2S       The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstaufen. 

neighbours.  Nor  were  all  these  strong  attractions 
without  avail.  Towards  the  October  of  1 1  54  Frede- 
rick left  by  way  of  the  Tyrol  for  Italy,  reached  Verona, 
and  in  November  was  encamped  near  Piacenza  on  the 
plains  of  Roncaglia,  where,  according  to  custom,  he  held 
his  first  Italian  diet.  A  few  days  later,  on  the  3rd  of 
December  1 1  54,  Anastasius  IV.  died  in  Eome.  With 
his  successor  began  a  new  era,  which  binds  together 
inextricably  until  the  end  the  history  of  the  house  of 
Suabia  and  of  the  Papacy. 


(     29     ) 


CHAPTER    III. 

(1154-1155.) 

HADRIAN  IV.  AND  ROME— CORONATION  OF 
FREDERICK  I. 

The  new  Pope  was  Hadrian  IV.  He  was  born  in 
England  at  St.  Albans  of  poor  parents,  and  bis  name 
was  Nicholas  Breakspear.  He  left  wben  a  youth  his 
native  land,  wandered  about  France  in  search  of  in- 
struction, and  after  studying  some  time  at  Aries, 
entered  the  monastery  of  St.  Rufus  near  Valence,  and 
there  took  the  monastic  garb.  His  quick  intelligence, 
his  piety,  his  zeal,  rapidly  gained  him  the  conside- 
ration of  the  brethren,  who,  after  first  making  him 
prior,  by  common  consent  raised  him  to  the  dignity  of 
abbot.  Business  connected  with  the  monastery  called 
him  to  Pome  during  the  pontificate  of  Eugenius  III., 
who,  instead  of  restoring  him  to  his  abbey,  made  him 
cardinal  bishop  of  Albano,  and  appointed  him  to  the 
Norwegian  missions.  In  preaching  the  gospel  to  the 
heathen  in  those  remote  regions,  and  in  organising  thq 
constitution  of  a  church  there,  he  gained  a  high  reputa- 
tion. On  the  death  of  Anastasius  the  cardinals  unani- 
mously turned  to  him,  who  had  only  just  returned  from 


30      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaueen. 

his  successful  apostolate,  and  on  the  4th  of  December 
1  1  5  4  they  elected  him  Pope. 

He  had  strong  shoulders  for  the  burden  which  he 
was  taking  up.  Conscious  of  assuming  a  lofty  office 
in  an  hour  of  special  difficulty,  full  of  zeal  for  the 
Church's  honour,  piety  in  him  was  combined  with  a 
talent  for  public  affairs  bordering  on  astuteness,  and 
the  gentleness  of  his  manners  with  a  strong  and  reso- 
lute character.  Very  soon  an  opportunity  arose  for 
proving  his  firmness.  In  Rome  the  discontent  with 
the  Popes  continued,  and  the  new  election  could  not 
certainly  meet  with  the  approbation  of  the  Romans  or 
cool  their  party  spirit,  since  they  regarded  this  stranger 
as  intent  on  increasing  the  papal  rule,  and,  having  lived 
long  in  France,  probably  imbued  with  St.  Bernard's 
hatred  of  the  doctrines  of  Arnold.  This  latter,  despis- 
ing Hadrian's  prohibition,  had  remained  in  Rome  under 
the  protection  of  the  senate,  and  openly  preached 
against  the  new  Pope  and  his  cardinals.  Excitement 
was  leading  men  to  violence.  One  day,  while  Guido, 
the  cardinal  of  St.  Pudenziana,  was  going  to  the  Pope, 
he  was  attached  and  wounded  by  a  group  of  Arnold's 
followers.  The  Pope  answered  this  mad  violence  by 
placing  the  city  under  an  interdict,  and  declaring  that 
he  would  maintain  it  until  Arnold  was  driven  from 
Rome.  This  new  and  unexpected  event  terrified  the 
people.  In  vain  they  beseech ed  the  Pope  to  retract 
the  heavy  sentence  ;  Hadrian  was  immovable.  Easter 
was  approaching  and  Passion  Week  had  ah*eady  be- 
gun, yet  the  altars  of  the  sacred  city  were  prayerless 
and  closed  to  the  faithful.  Under  the  influence  of 
religious  terror  the  Romans  yielded,  and  Arnold  was 


Hadrian  IV.  31 

abandoned  and  driven  forth.  "Wandering  over  the 
Campagna,  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  papal  soldiers  who 
were  looking  for  him,  but  was  liberated  by  certain 
friendly  bai'ons,  and  took  refuge  in  a  castle  of  theirs 
on  the  confines  of  Tuscia.  The  city  was  absolved 
and  Hadrian  triumphed.  For  the  first  time  since  his 
election  he  issued  from  the  Leonine  city,  traversed 
Rome  in  great  pomp,  and  celebrated  Easter  in  the 
Lateran. 

"While  matters  were  turning  out  thus  in  Rome,  there 
flared  up  again  the  old  causes  of  discontent  between 
the  Curia  and  the  King  of  Sicily,  "William  I.,  who 
had  succeeded  shortly  before  to  Roger.  The  new  king, 
finding  himself  in  troubled  waters  in  the  beginning 
of  his  reign,  between  rebels  within  and  the  external 
hostilities  of  the  two  Empires,  thought  he  would  try  if 
he  could  gain  the  friendship  of  the  Pope  and  separate 
him  from  Frederick.  On  Hadrian's  election  he  sent 
ambassadors  to  treat  peace  with  him,  but  they  could 
come  to  no  understanding.  Later,  towards  the  March 
of  1  155,  William  having  passed  over  from  Sicily  to 
Salerno,  the  Pope,  perhaps  alarmed  at  his  coming 
nearer,  sent  Henry,  cardinal  of  Saints  Nereo  and 
Achilleo,  with  apostolic  letters.  But  since  these  bore 
on  their  front  the  ambiguous  title  of  Lord  instead  of 
King  of  Sicily,  William  refused  to  receive  the  cardinal, 
which  greatly  disturbed  the  Pope  and  the  whole  Curia. 
Tims,  instead  of  being  appeased,  the  King  was  em- 
bittered the  more  in  his  relations  with  the  Church,  arid 
sent  against  the  territory  of  St.  Peter  his  chancellor 
Ascontinus,  who  attempted  the  siege  of  Benevento,  and 
overrunning  the  Campagna,  set  fire  to  several  places, 


32      The  Popes  and  the  IIohenstaufen. 

among  which  Ceprano  and  Banco.  The  Pope  had  to 
content  himself  with  excommunicating  William  and 
looking  for  help  from  the  North. 

Hadrian  had  speedily  resumed  the  negotiations  for 
the  coronation  of  Frederick,  interrupted  by  the  deaths 
of  the  preceding  Popes,  and  the  terms  of  alliance  be- 
tween the  Pope  and  the  future  emperor,  now  settled  in 
general,  were  based  on  the  subjugation  of  the  Roman 
republic  and  of  the  King  of  Sicily.  Meanwhile 
Frederick,  from  the  first  days  that  he  had  arrived  in 
Lombardy,  felt  that  he  was  standing  on  a  volcano,  and 
could  not  hope  for  dominion  in  Italy  unless  he  first 
crushed  the  strength  of  the  republics  which  surrounded 
him,  proud  of  their  prosperity,  and,  notwithstanding 
their  internal  discords,  "little  awed  by  the  majesty  of 
the  Empire.  At  Roncaglia  he  had  appeared  as  judge 
and  pacificator  between  the  various  republics,  and 
especially  between  Pavia  and  Milan ;  but  already  this 
latter,  more  powerful  than  any  other  Lombard  city,  was 
a  thorn  in  his  side  which  it  behoved  him  to  remove. 
Shortly  he  began  openly  to  declare  himself  hostile  to 
Milan,  either  really  angry  or  pretending  to  be  so,  because 
his  army  had  been  guided  awrong  by  the  Milanese 
in  their  own  territory.  He  entered  Rosate,  a  strong 
castle  of  the  Milanese,  and  driving  out  the  inhabitants, 
set  fire  to  it,  and  in  the  same  way  burnt  the  castles  of 
Trecate  and  Galliate.  In  the  cause  of  the  Empire  in 
Italy  was  rooted  the  cause  of  feudalism,  the  power  of 
which  was  waning  before  the  emancipation  of  the 
communes.  The  city  of  Asti  and  the  strong  castle  of 
Chieri  would  no  longer  remain  subject  to  the  Marquis 
of  MonferratOj  on  whose  instigation  Frederick  took  Asti 


Hadrian  IV.  33 

and  Chieri,  and  destroyed  them  by  fire  and  sword. 
Against  Milan  herself  the  King  did  not  venture.  She 
was  too  powerful  and  too  well  provisioned,  and  Frederick 
in  attacking  her  would  have  run  the  risk  of  weaken- 
ing his  forces  at  the  very  beginning  of  his  undertak- 
ing, or  at  least  of  delaying  too  long  his  coronation  at 
Home.  He  thought  it  wiser  to  subdue  some  other  town 
friendly  to  Milan,  and  thus  diminish  her  resources  and 
spread  through  Lombardy  a  wholesome  terror  of  his 
arms  and  of  his  name.  Incited  thereto  by  Pavia,  he 
turned  against  Tortona,  desiring  her  to  separate  from 
and  break  off  all  friendship  with  Milan,  but  Tortoua 
nobly  refused.  Frederick  surrounded  her,  thinking  to 
conclude  the  siege  quickly,  but  he  met  with  a  desperate 
resistance,  the  presage  of  future  struggles.  Attacked 
furiously  and  furiously  defended,  Tortona  resisted  all 
Frederick's  efforts  for  two  months,  and  only  surrendered, 
when  exhausted  and  conquered  by  thirst  and  famine, 
the  6th  of  April  1 1  5  5 .  The  miserable  citizens  who 
had  survived  were  driven  into  exile,  and  the  city  was 
given  to  the  flames.  The  rumour  of  this  event  re-echoed 
throughout  Italy. 

After  the  destruction  of  Tortona,  Frederick  moved 
on  towards  Eome  through  Tuscany  with  a  rapidity  that 
was  regarded  with  suspicion  by  the  Pope,  who  then 
resided  at  Viterbo.  The  Curia  began  to  fear  that  the 
sovereign  invoked  as  a  protector  was  advancing  as 
an  enemy.  The  violence  from  which  Pascal  II.  had 
suffered  in  St.  Peter's  less  than  half  a  century  before 
perhaps  occurred  in  that  hour  to  the  mind  of  Hadrian. 
Taking  counsel  with  the  cardinals,  with  Peter  the 
prefect  of  the  city,  and  with  O'tho  Frangipane,  the 
C.  H.  C 


34       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

Pope  sent  two  cardinals  to  meet  Frederick  with  very 
clear  instructions  as  to  the  terms  to  be  come  to  with 
him.  The  cardinals  met  Frederick  at  St.  Quirico,  near 
Siena.  Being  honourably  received,  they  expounded 
their  mission,  and  showed  the  apostolic  letters,  in  which, 
among  other  things,  Hadrian  asked  to  have  Arnold, 
who  had  escaped  from  him,  given  back  into  his  hands. 
It  was  a  small  request  and  easy  to  comply  with. 
Frederick  having  had  one  of  the  barons  who  were 
protecting  Arnold  taken  prisoner,  frightened  him  into 
handing  the  fugitive  over  to  the  cardinals.  The  last 
hour  had  come  for  the  ardent  Brescian,  and  his  prema- 
ture apostolate  closed  in  martyrdom.  The  prefect  of 
Rome  sentenced  him  to  die,  perhaps  at  Civitacastellana, 
but,  as  if  to  increase  our  pity,  the  precise  place  and  day 
of  his  death  are  unknown.  At  the  place  of  execution 
he  did  not  recant,  did  not  hesitate  ;  mutely  he  breathed 
a  prayer  to  God  and  gave  himself  up  to  the  cord  and 
the  stake,  calm  and  fearless  while  even  the  executioners 
wept.  The  Romans  were  prevented  from  preserv- 
ing as  relics  his  ashes,  which  were  thrown  into  the 
Tiber,  but  his  words  lived  fresh  in  their  indignant 
memories.  This  martyrdom  of  Arnold  was  the  seal  of 
an  alliance  between  the  Papacy  and  Empire,  which  was 
destined  to  be  short-lived  and  to  result  in  nothing  but 
bloodshed. 

It  had  been  an  easy  matter  for  Frederick  to  comply 
where  only  Arnold  was  concerned.  For  the  rest,  he 
said  he  had  already  sent  to  the  Pope  the  archbishops 
Arnold  of  Cologne  and  Anselm  of  Ravenna  to  treat 
of  the  coronation  and  all  else,  nor  could  he  give  any 
answer  before  their  return.     And  so  it  was  j  but  the 


Hadrian  IV.  35 

Pope,  on  hearing  of  the  unexpected  coming  of  these 
archbishops,  felt  his  suspicions  increase,  and  retired  to 
the  fortified  Civitacastellana,  where  he  received  them, 
and  in  his  turn  declared  that  he  had  sent  the  cardinals, 
and  must  await  their  return.  The  ambassadors  had 
to  retire  on  both  sides  and  return  whence  they  came, 
but  meeting  on  the  way,  they  decided  to  proceed  all 
together  to  Frederick,  who  bv  this  time  had  reached 

O  *  ml 

Viterbo.  They  did  so,  and  in  presence  of  the  King 
the  negotiations  were  concluded,  and  the  King  swore 
to  respect  the  lives  of  the  Pope  and  cardinals,  and 
maintain  all  the  stipulations.  There  was  present  at 
these  negotiations  the  cardinal  of  St.  Cecilia,  Octavian, 
and  he  appears  to  have  had  a  dispute  with  the  Pope's 
legates.  We  already  find  him  a  friend  of  Frederick's, 
and  an  object  of  suspicion  to  the  Curia,  which,  as  we 
shall  see,  had  reason  not  to  trust  him. 

The  conditions  having  been  ratified  by  the  Pope, 
the  place  and  the  day  of  solemn  meeting  between  the 
two  potentates  were  fixed.  Frederick  encamped  in 
the  territory  of  Sutri  at  Campo  Grasso,  and  the  Pope, 
reassured,  and  having  descended  from  Civitacastellana 
to  Nepi,  proceeded  to  the  King's  tent,  riding  in  the 
midst  of  his  court,  and  of  the  German  princes  gone 
out  to  meet  him.  But  a  new  event  occurred  to  spoil 
the  ceremony,  and  to  reawaken  suspicion  in  the  flut- 
tered spirits  of  the  cardinals  and  Pope.  Frederick  did 
not  advance  to  offer  his  services  as  squire  to  hold 
the  Pope's  bridle  and  stirrup.  The  excitement  of 
the  cardinals  was  extreme;  the  Pope,  disturbed  and 
uncertain  what  to  do,  got  off  his  horse  unwillingly, 
and  sat  on  the  throne  prepared  for  him.     But  when 


2,6       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

Frederick,  after  prostrating  himself  and  kissing  Lis 
foot,  rose  again  to  receive  the  customary  kiss  of  peace, 
Hadrian  severely  and  firmly  refused  to  give  it.  "  Tliou 
hast  deprived  me,"  he  said  to  the  King,  "  of  the  homage 
which  out  of  reverence  for  the  apostles  thy  predecessors 
paid  to  mine  up  to  our  days,  nor  will  I  bestow  on  thee 
the  kiss  of  peace  till  thou  shalt  have  satisfied  me." 
All  that  day  and  the  next  the  dispute  continued  touch- 
ing this  special  point  in  the  ceremonial,  and  with  such 
acrimony  that  some  of  the  cardinals,  either  in  anger  or 
alarm,  left  the  camp  and  retired  to  Oivitacastellana. 
The  steadfast  firmness  of  the  Pope  carried  the  day. 
Frederick  had  too  many  reasons  for  not  creating  ob- 
stacles to  his  speedy  coronation,  and  gave  in.  The 
camp  was  moved  on  a  little  farther  to  the  lake  of 
Monterosi,  whither  the  Pope  had  also  betaken  him- 
self by  another  road.  Here  they  met  again,  and  the 
King,  on  foot,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  army, 
led  the  Pope's  horse  for  about  a  stone's  throw,  and 
held  his  stirrup  when  he  dismounted. 

Hadrian  and  Frederick  a  few  days  later  journeyed 
together  to  Rome,  and  the  principal  subject  of  their 
discourse  was  the  Pope's  complaints  against  the  Romans. 
Near  the  city  they  were  met  by  the  ambassadors  sent 
to  Frederick  by  the  senate  and  people  of  Pome.  Full 
of  their  old  dreams,  they  spoke  in  the  name  of  Rome 
as  lords  and  dispensers  of  that  Roman  Empire  of  which 
he  was  come  to  take  the  crown,  asking  him  for  tribute 
and  an  oath  that  he  would  guarantee  the  safety  and 
liberties  of  the  city.  Frederick,  having  first  taken 
counsel  with  the  Pope  and  cardinals,  haughtily  repulsed 
the  Roman  demands.      The  ambassadors  left  the  camp 


Hadrian  IV.  37 

and  returned  in  anger  to  Rome,  who,  like  a  fallen 
queen  wounded  in  lier  pride,  waited  sullenly  for  the 
hour  of  vengeance. 

The  Pope,  who  knew  the  humour  of  the  Romans, 
took  measures  accordingly.  The  Leonine  city  was  in 
his  hands,  but,  lest  the  Romans  should  seize  it,  he 
advised  them  to  send  on  that  same  night  a  strong: 
band  of  soldiers  to  occupy  it ;  the  Cardinal  Octavian 
would  guide  and  introduce  them  into  the  city.  This 
was  done.  The  next  morning  (18th  of  June  1155), 
preceded  by  Hadrian,  who  went  to  wait  for  him  on 
the  steps  of  the  church,  Frederick,  at  the  head  of  his 
army  and  in  great  pomp,  surrounded  by  the  princes 
and  barons,  entered  St.  Peter's,  and  the  Pope  conducted 
him  to  worship  at  the  shrine  of  the  apostles.  Here, 
according  to  the  accustomed  rites,  he  was  crowned 
Roman  Emperor,  and  under  the  domed  roof  the 
cheers  of  the  Germans  echoed  like  thunder  when  the 
imperial  crown  was  placed  on  Frederick's  head.  The 
Romans,  meanwhile,  had  crowded  to  the  Capitol  to 
take  council  how  to  hinder  the  coronation,  when  tho 
news  reached  them  that  the  ceremony  was  already 
accomplished.  They  rushed  furiously  to  St.  Peter's. 
From  the  Trastevere  and  the  Bridge  of  St.  Angelo 
they  broke  violently  and  in  arms  into  the  Leonine 
city,  while  Frederick  had  retired  for  rest  to  his  camp 
out.side  the  walls.  The  few  soldiers  who  had  remained 
behind  and  the  Pope's  and  cardinal's  followers  were 
swept  along  and  killed  by  the  populace  in  its  head- 
long career.  The  cardinals  themselves  and  the  Popo 
were  in  danger.  The  noise  of  the  tumult  reached  the 
camp  on  the  side  where  the  Duke  of  Saxony,  Henry 


38       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

the  Lion,  was  resting,  and  he  rose  in  a  moment  with 
his  men  to  confront  the  Romans.  Frederick  also  was 
instantly  in  arms,  and  with  him  the  whole  camp.  A 
terrible  contest  ensued,  which  lasted  the  whole  day,  with 
great  bloodshed  and  uncertainty.  At  length,  towards 
nightfall,  the  dogged  fury  of  the  populace  was  overcome 
by  the  disciplined  arms  of  the  regular  army,  and  the 
Romans  were  driven  back  across  the  Tiber,  leaving 
behind  them  a  thousand  dead  and  some  hundreds 
of  prisoners,  without  reckoning  the  great  number  of 
wounded. 

Frederick  boasted  of  his  victory,  but  this  bloodshed 
neither  gave  him  possession  of  the  city  nor  assured 
it  to  Hadrian.  It  was  out  of  the  question  to  try  to 
force  an  entrance  into  Rome,  nor  could  he  even  remain 
where  he  was,  as  the  haughty  Romans  refused  to  have 
any  dealings  with  him,  and  he  was  in  want  of  pro- 
visions for  the  army.  He  was  obliged  to  strike  his 
tents,  and  taking  with  him  Pope  and  cardinals,  retire 
into  Sabina  and  cross  the  Tiber  near  Soracte.  Thence, 
after  a  halt  at  the  monastery  of  Farfa,  he  descended 
into  the  plains  of  Tivoli,  to  let  his  army  rest  on  the 
banks  of  the  Aniene,  near  Ponte  Lucano.  There,  on 
the  29th  of  June,  the  Pope  and  Emperor  celebrated 
together  the  feast  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and  it 
is  said  that  on  that  occasion  the  Pope  absolved  the 
Imperialists  from  the  blood  shed  in  Rome,  alleging 
that  he  who  fights  for  his  own  prince  commits  no 
murder. 

Then  they  moved  to  Albano.  The  Pope  did  not 
cease  to  urge  the  Emperor  to  march  against  William 
of  Sicily    and    have    it    out   with    him.      Nor   would 


Hadrian  IV.  39 

Frederick  perhaps  have  been  averse  to  the  idea,  but, 
besides  the  difficulties  which  beset  the  expedition, 
thie  air  of  the  Campagna  was  beginning  to  be  felt  by 
the  troops,  and  the  princes  who  had  accompanied  him 
began  strongly  to  insist  on  the  return  home.  Frede- 
rick was  obliged  to  put  off  further  plans,  and  take 
leave  of  the  Pope  without  having  made  him  master  of 
Eome  or  protected  him  from  William,  and,  in  truth, 
leaving:  him  in  a  worse  condition  than  he  was  before. 
Hadrian  was  bitterly  disappointed,  but  separated  on 
friendly  terms  with  the  Emperor,  who  entered  Umbria 
by  Sabina.  He  met  with  some  resistance  at  Spoleto, 
against  which  he  already  had  some  grounds  of  dis- 
content, and  taking  it  by  assault,  set  fire  to  it.  At 
Ancona  he  found  the  Bvzantine  ambassadors  of  the 
Emperor  Manuel,  who  offered  him  money  and  assist- 
ance for  the  Sicilian  expedition,  but  he  could  not 
accept  them,  as  his  return  home  was  decided  on.  As 
far  as  Verona  he  continued  his  march  with  ease.  At 
the  locks  of  the  Adige  he  found  new  obstacles  and 
snares,  which  he  overcame  with  great  skill  and  cour- 
age, leaving  behind  him  traces  of  stern  severity  to 
serve  as  a  warning  to  those  who  might  meditate 
resistance,  and  returned  to  Germany  with  increased 
reputation  and  the  crown  of  Emperor.  Except  for 
this  crown  he  had  not  gained  much  immediate  advan- 
tage from  his  expedition ;  but,  while  the  Empire  had 
won  credit  and  shown  its  strength,  he  had  learnt  to 
know  the  Italians  and  had  made  himself  known  to  them. 
Once  in  Italy  the  chief  stumbling-block  for  the  Empire 
had  been  the  Papacy ;  now  the  principle  of  municipal 
freedom  had  risen  up  in  opposition  to  the  principle 


40       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

of  imperial  authority  and  of  feudal  power.  On  one 
side  and  the  other  prince  and  people  had  measured 
their  strength,  now  they  stood  in  need  of  a  tacit 
truce  during  which  to  prepare  for  the  inevitable 
struggle. 


(     41     ) 


CHAPTER    IV. 

(1155-1159.) 

THE  STRUGGLE  BETWEEN  HADRIAN  IV.  AND 
FREDERICK  BARBAROSSA. 

On  his  return  to  Germany,  Frederick  turned  his  thoughts 
to  securing  there  his  own  greatness  and  that  of  the 
Empire,  and  to  establishing  power  and  order  in  the 
government.  He  made  the  weight  of  his  authority 
sternly  felt  by  those  smaller  nobles  who  showed  them- 
selves less  submissive.  He  increased  the  power  of  his 
family  by  making  his  brother  Conrad  Count  Palatine 
of  the  Rhine.  Having  divorced  his  first  wife,  Adele 
of  Wohburg,  he  married  Beatrice  of  Burgundy,  and 
this  alliance  brought  him  the  crown  of  Burgundy, 
extended  his  influence  in  Provence,  and  enlarged  the 
bounds  of  the  Empire.  Thus  from  another  side  his 
dominions  brought  him  nearer  to  Italy,  whose  sub- 
jection continued  to  occupy  his  thoughts  and  guide 
his  policy.  He  settled  definitely  the  question  of  the 
Duchy  of  Bavaria,  and  gave  it  to  Henry  the  Lion, 
without  discontenting  the  other  pretender,  the  power- 
ful Henry  Jasormigott,  Margrave  of  Austria,  to  please 
whom   he   raised   Austria  into   a  duchy,  to  which  he 


42       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

added  two  provinces.  Boleslaus  IV.,  Duke  of  Poland, 
refusing  to  recognise  his  suzerainty,  he  marched  against 
him,  and  forced  him  to  humble  himself  before  him  ; 
and  soon  after  at  Wiirzburg  the  Byzantine,  Bohemian, 
Hungarian,  Danish,  and  English  ambassadors  witnessed 
the  triumph  of  the  young  and  powerful  monarch. 
Thence  proceeding  with  the  Empress  to  Besancon,  he 
set  the  new  kiugdom  of  Burgundy  in  order,  and  re- 
turning to  Germany  in  January  1158,  raised  Ladislaw, 
Duke  of  Bohemia,  to  the  dignity  of  king.  Scarcely 
two  years  had  passed  since  his  return  from  Italy, 
and  the  whole  of  Germany  regarded  with  wonder  and 
delight  this  vigorous  sovereign  who  had  done  so  much 
in  so  short  a  time. 

But  it  was  not  in  Germany  that  the  destiny  of  the 
Empire  could  be  decided,  interwoven  as  it  was  with 
the  name  and  fortunes  of  Italy,  nor  among  so  many 
cares  did  Frederick  ever  forget  this.  Constantly  since 
his  return  there  reached  him  the  complaints  of  the 
cities  hostile  to  Milan  and  oppressed  by  her.  Pavia, 
Cremona,  Bergamo  especially  invoked  his  aid,  and  he 
promised  to  hasten  his  return,  towards  which  he 
directed  all  his  efforts,  finally  determining  on  the  second 
expedition  for  the  summer  of  1 1  58.  He  was  incensed 
when  he  saw  Milan,  and  other  cities  in  her  wake,  taking 
no  account  of  his  authority,  maltreating  the  towns 
faithful  to  him  ;  Tortona  rising  from  her  ashes,  thanks 
to  the  Milanese,  and  stronger  than  before.  Nor,  while 
irritated  with  the  Lombards,  were  his  relations  with 
the  Pope  all  that  he  could  wish. 

Hadrian  had  regarded  Frederick's  rapid  return  to 
Germany  as  a  desertion,  and  indeed  he  was  left  by  it 


Hadrian  and  Frederick  Barbarossa.      43 

in  a  sad  condition,  disliked  by  the  Kornans  and  hard 
pressed  by  the  King   of  Sicily.      To  these  difficulties 
was  now  added  the  division  of  the  cardinals  into  two 
parties,  one  siding  with  the  Emperor  and  desirous  that 
the  Pope  should  enter  into  close  alliance  with  him,  the 
other  suspicious  of  Frederick,  and,  remembering  the 
long  discord   between  Church    and   Empire,  disposed 
to  resume  the  policy  of  Hildebrand  and  make  friends 
again  with  the  Normans  of  Sicily.      At  the  head  of 
the   first  party  was  Octavian,  cardinal   of  St.  Cecilia, 
the  same  who   had  been   chosen   at   the   time   of  the 
coronation  to  introduce  the  first  imperial  troops  into 
the   Leonine   city.      The   other   party,    to   which    the 
Pope   adhered,    was  led   by   Eoland,    cardinal   of    St. 
Mark  and  chancellor  of  the  Church,  a  firm,  sagacious 
man,  who,  sharer  in  the  councils  and  policy  of  Hadrian, 
and   convinced   like   him   of  the   Church's  supremacy, 
was    resolved   to    maintain   it.      A   few  months   after 
Frederick's  departure,  towards  the  November  of  1 1  5  5 , 
the  Pope  had  proceeded  to  Benevento,  aided  and  incited 
thereto  by  the  Apulian  barons,  who  were  in  rebellion 
against  William.     Thence  making  himself  the  centre 
of  the   revolt  and   supporting  the  Emperor  of   Con- 
stantinople, who  was  preparing  an  expedition  against 
William,  he  drove  this  latter  to  such  extremities  that 
he  was   glad  to  re-enter  into  negotiations  and  offer 
excellent  conditions  of  peace.     The  Pope  inclined  to 
accept  them,  but  the  majority  of  the  cardinals  opposed 
him  and  would  not  hear  of  peace.      Soon  afterwards, 
however,  the  tide  turned  in   favour  of  William,  who 
defeated  the  rebels  and  the  Byzantines  and  threatened 
Benevento.      There  was   nothing   for   it   but  to  yield. 


44       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

Hadrian  sent  Roland  with  other  cardinals  to  treat, 
and  peace  was  definitely  concluded,  though  on  con- 
ditions far  less  favourable  for  the  Pope  than  the  for- 
mer ones. 

The  news  of  this  peace,  concluded  without  his  con- 
sent, seemed  to  Barbarossa  an  infraction  of  the  terms 
come  to  but  lately  before  their  meeting,  and  the  grow- 
ing suspicion  led  soon  to  a  first  rupture.  "While 
Frederick  was  in  Burgundy,  two  cardinals  of  great 
authority  presented  themselves  as  legates  from  the 
Pope,  the  chancellor  Poland,  and  Bernard,  cardinal  of 
St.  Clement.  They  were  received  courteously,  in  pre- 
sence of  the  principal  barons,  but  the  greeting  with 
which  they  addressed  the  Emperor  seemed  strange  to 
the  bystanders  :  "  The  Pope  and  cardinals  salute  you, 
the  one  as  father,  the  others  as  brethren  ;  "  then  they 
handed  in  the  papal  letter.  It  was  haughty  in  tone, 
and  in  it  Hadrian  reproached  Frederick  for  having 
allowed  in  his  states  that  the  bishop  of  Lunden  should 
be  despoiled  with  impunity  and  imprisoned,  and  to  have 
known  of  this  violence  and  to  have  ignored  it.  That 
he  was  so  much  the  more  surprised  at  such  a  thing, 
as  hardly  a  year  had  passed  since  the  Poman  Church 
had  conferred  upon  him  such  unbounded  honour  and 
the  imperial  crown ;  nor  did  it  regret  having  done  so, 
and  would  have  gladly  been  able  to  benefit  him  even 
further.  He  feared  lest  some  one  was  perversely  sow- 
ing discord  between  them.  He  concluded  by  recom- 
mending to  him  the  two  legates,  who  had  full  powers 
to  treat  of  all  matters  between  the  Curia  and  Empire. 

On  the  reading  of  this  letter  there  arose  an  indignant 
uproar  among  the  assembled  barons,  and  a  tumultuous 


Hadrian  and  Frederick  Barbarossa.     45 

scene  followed.  They  were  especially  incensed  at  the 
allusions  to  the  imperial  dignity  conferred  by  the 
Pontiff,  and  by  the  word  benefit  (heneficia).  In  those 
phrases  their  jealous  pride  dreaded  some  pretensions 
on  the  Pope's  part  to  the  right  of  conferring  the  crown 
as  a  gift,  and  almost  as  a  feudal  benefice.  They 
angrily  reminded  the  legates  how  at  the  time  of  the 
coronation  they  had  heard  of  the  painting  in  the 
Lateran  representing  the  coronation  of  Lothair,  with 
the  humiliating  inscription  which  declared  him  a 
liegeman  of  the  Pope  (Jiomo  Papce),  and  how  the 
latter,  waiving  all  such  pretensions,  had  promised  that 
it  should  be  cancelled.  The  legates  did  not  bow 
before  the  storm — nay,  one  of  them  appears  to  have 
added  fuel  to  the  flames  by  exclaiming,  "  And  from 
whom  does  the  Emperor  hold  the  Empire  if  not  from 
the  Pope  ?  "  The  fury  aroused  by  these  words  knew 
no  bounds,  and  the  Palatine  of  Bavaria,  Otto  of  Wittels- 
bach,  rushed  with  drawn  sword  upon  the  audacious 
legate.  Frederick  restrained  the  excitement  by  the 
authority  of  his  presence,  and  with  difficulty  calmed 
the  tumult,  covering  with  his  person  the  cardinals,  who 
were  in  danger.  The  next  morning  the  two  legates 
were  dismissed,  with  strict  orders  to  go  straight  back, 
v.  ithout  stopping  right  or  left  in  any  bishop's  palace 
or  abbey. 

Frederick  felt  the  importance  of  being  the  first  to 
tell  the  German  clergy  of  what  had  happened,  and 
hardly  had  the  legates  left  when  he  sent  his  own 
account  of  it  to  all  parts  of  the  realm.  He  described 
the  tenor  of  the  papal  letter,  and  the  indignation  which 
its  false  and  detestable  expressions  had  aroused  in  the 


46       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

princes  of  the  Empire.  He  added  that  the  legates  had 
been  sent  straight  back,  because  there  had  been  found 
on  them  blank  letters  with  the  papal  seal  attached,  to 
be  filled  up  as  they  chose,  and  he  insinuated  that  by 
their  means  they  would  have  tried  to  despoil  the  altars 
and  carry  off  the  treasures  of  the  German  churches. 
The  Empire  was  his  by  the  election  of  the  princes, 
and  he  held  it  from  God  alone,  and  it  was  a  denial  of 
divine  institutions  to  affirm  that  he  had  taken  the 
imperial  crown  as  a  benefice  from  the  Pope.  Let 
them  all  stand  by  him  against  these  pretensions,  for 
he  would  rather  die  than  endure  such  disgrace. 

It  appears  that  the  accounts  given  by  the  two  cardinals 
on  their  return  to  the  Curia  and  their  lamentations 
were  received  in  different  ways  by  the  other  cardinals, 
according  to  the  party  to  which  they  belonged.  The 
Pope,  at  any  rate,  wrote  to  the  German  bishops  com- 
plaining bitterly  of  the  Emperor's  conduct,  and  begging 
of  them  to  remonstrate  with  him,  recall  him  to  milder 
councils,  and  obtain  from  him  that  the  chancellor 
Eainold  Dassel  and  Otto  of  Wittelsbach,  as  the  prin- 
cipal offenders,  should  give  satisfaction  to  the  Church. 
But  this  letter  was  not  well  received,  and  from  their 
answer  Hadrian  perceived  that  the  bishops  took  the 
Emperor's  part.  Nor  was  it  difficult  to  see  this ;  the 
bishops,  though  in  a  respectful  tone,  expressed  them- 
selves clearly,  and  there  were  even  signs  of  the  answer 
having  been  written  in  concert  with  the  Emperor, 
whose  claims  were  once  more  put  forward  in  it,  and 
more  haughtily  than  ever. 

The  bishops  concluded  by  inviting  the  Pope  to  send 
fresh  letters,  which  might  conciliate  the  bitter  feelings 


Hadrian  and  Frederick  Bardarossa.     47 

of  the  Emperor,  and  Hadrian  saw  that  this  was  not 
the  moment  to  persist.  The  necessity  for  yielding  was 
greater  because  Frederick  had  now  prepared  every- 
thing for  a  second  expedition  into  Italy,  and  was  coming 
with  a  powerful  army.  Indeed,  he  had  sent  on  ahead 
his  chancellor,  Rainold  Dassel,  and  the  count  palatine 
Otto  of  Wittelsbach,  to  prepare  the  way  and  ensure 
the  fidelity  and  assistance  of  the  Italian  cities.  Two 
other  cardinals  were  sent  by  Hadrian  to  meet  Frede- 
rick. In  June  1 1  5  8  they  found  him  at  Regensburg  ; 
they  presented  themselves  far  more  obsequiously  than 
the  former  legates,  and  handed  to  Frederick  the  papal 
letters.  In  them  Hadrian,  after  a  mild  complaint  of 
the  bad  reception  met  with  by  his  other  legates, 
explained  the  unfortunate  expressions  of  the  former 
letter  in  a  sense  satisfactory  for  the  Emperor.  The 
latter  accepted  the  explanation  with  apparent  friendli- 
ness, and  dismissed  the  cardinals  courteously  and  in 
all  honour.  But  Frederick's  mistrust  was  undiminished, 
though  he  was  anxious  not  to  give  Hadrian  a  pretext 
for  openly  joining  his  enemies  at  the  moment  of  his 
descent  into  Italy. 

In  July  1 1  5  8,  accompanied  by  the  King  of  Bohemia 
and  the  flower  of  the  German  nobles,  Frederick  led 
over  the  Alps  the  most  powerful  army  that  Italy  had 
seen  for  centuries,  and  with  it  advanced  into  Lombardy. 
Brescia  having  offered  some  resistance,  was  soon  reduced 
to  submission  by  the  Bohemians,  who  formed  the  van- 
guard ;  the  rebuilding  of  Lodi,  destroyed  by  the  Milan- 
ese, was  begun,  and  meanwhile  all  the  cities  friendly  to 
the  Emperor  sent  men  to  assist  in  the  siege  of  Milan. 
That  proud  city  held  out  for  about  a  month,  and  many 


48       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

deeds  of  valour  were  done  on  both  sides.  Famine, 
however,  soon  made  itself  felt  in  the  populous  town, 
which  offered  to  surrender.  Frederick  was  tolerably- 
moderate  in  the  terms  he  demanded,  but  the  liberties 
of  Milan  were  greatly  reduced.  The  Milanese  sub- 
mitted perforce,  but  were  secretly  resolved  to  shake 
off  the  yoke  on  the  first  occasion. 

After  receiving  the  homage  of  the  Milanese,  Frede- 
rick dismissed  a  large  number  of  the  German  princes 
to  their  homes,  and  proceeded  to  Roncaglia,  where  he 
had  convoked  the  Italian  towns  to  a  diet.  There, 
before  a  people  who  had  just  witnessed  his  immense 
power,  the  conqueror  of  Milan  proposed  to  arrange  the 
relations  between  the  Empire  and  the  cities  of  the 
Italian  realm.  Never  perhaps  had  the  imperial  rights 
been  so  proudly  proclaimed,  and  in  that  moment  the 
authority  of  the  Empire  appeared  absolute  in  Italy, 
and  as  if  it  were  to  last  for  ever.  The  jurists  of  the 
various  cities,  under  the  guidance  of  the  Bolognese 
doctors  and  carried  away  by  the  now  reawakening 
memories  of  ancient  Rome  and  of  the  Justinian  Code, 
proclaimed  in  the  name  of  the  intoxicated  monarch  his 
absolute  supremacy.  Every  royalty  was  his,  his  all 
feudal  rights,  the  mints,  the  customs,  the  mills,  his 
even  the  right  to  appoint  the  city  consuls  or  to  substi- 
tute an  officer  of  his  own.  And  he  who  had  thus  been 
declared  lord  of  the  whole  world  and  whose  will  was 
law,  dictated  in  the  diet  other  rules  all  aiming  at  re- 
stricting the  rights  of  the  communes,  adjusted  differ- 
ences between  various  cities,  diminished  as  far  as 
possible  the  strength  of  the  allies  of  Milan,  from  which 
he  also  took  away  the  lordship  over  Monza  and  the 


Hadrian  and  Frederick  Barbarossa.      49 

territories  of  Seprio  and  Martesana.  Frederick  was 
near  the  summit  of  his  ambition.  Imperial  authority 
had  been  raised  in  Italy  to  a  point  at  which  the  only 
opponent  possible  was  the  Pope,  and  for  him  the  King 
of  Sicily  could  no  longer  offer  sufficient  protection. 
His  victory  was  undoubted,  and  would  be  complete. 
Soon  the  glory  of  his  empire  would  rival  that  of 
Charlemagne  and  Otto. 

Frederick  had  not  realised  that  he  was  pursuing  a 
phantom,  and  that  the  building  raised  at  Eoncaglia 
rested  on  a  foundation  of  sand.  Soon  in  Lombardy 
the  rights  claimed  at  the  diet  began  to  seem  excessive 
even  to  the  friendly  cities.  Their  friendship  for  the 
Empire,  based  as  it  was  principally  on  their  hatred  of 
neighbouring  rivals,  began  to  waver  when  the  Empire 
interfered  with  municipal  liberties  and  interests.  Those 
cities  which  at  first  combated  the  discontent  soon  began 
to  share  it.  The  Milanese,  only  half  subdued  by  the 
siege,  were  already  irritated  at  being  deprived  of  ter- 
ritory by  the  decree  of  Roncaglia,  when  in  January 
1 1 5  9  Frederick  sent  two  legates  into  their  city  to 
abolish  the  consuls  and  introduce  an  officer  of  imperial 
appointment.  The  Milanese  rose  in  tumult,  and  the 
legates  had  to  escape  by  flight.  The  same  happened 
at  Crema  when  Frederick,  incited  to  it  by  the  entreaties 
and  enmity  of  Cremona,  had  sent  orders  to  dismantle 
the  walls  and  fill  up  the  trenches.  Soon  after  the 
Milanese  openly  declared  war,  and  took  armed  pos- 
session of  the  castle  of  Trezzo,  making  prisoners  of  its 
German  garrison,  and  tried  several  times  but  vainly 
to  destroy  the  new  city  of  Lodi,  which  was  being  built 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Emperor.  Brescia  also 
C.  H.  D 


50       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

recovered  herself  and  joined  the  Milanese.  Frederick, 
then  at  Bologna,  declared  the  city  of  Milan  again  an 
enemy  of  the  Empire,  and  waited  for  reinforcements 
from  Germany.  These  were  brought  by  Henry  the 
Lion,  who  accompanied  also  the  Empress,  and  by  Duke 
Guelph,  the  Emperor's  uncle,  who  had  just  been  in- 
vested with  the  lands  of  the  Countess  Matilda,  to  which 
the  Pope  laid  claim.  Advancing  into  Lombardy  and 
aided  by  Pavia  and  Cremona,  Barbarossa  began  to 
harass  Milan  and  laid  a  cruel  siege  to  Crema,  whose 
heroic  defence  of  seven  months  is  among  the  most 
glorious  mentioned  in  history. 

Hadrian  IV.  had  meanwhile  begun  again  to  quarrel 
with  the  Emperor,  and,  after  having  yielded  on  one  side, 
offered  fresh  resistance  on  another.  The  irreconcilable 
principle  of  two  supremacies  rendered  their  two  repre- 
sentatives irreconcilable  also,  and  provided  endless  sub- 
jects of  complaint.  Lately  Frederick  was  offended 
because  the  Pope  declined  to  confirm  the  nomination 
of  Guido,  son  of  Count  Guido  of  Biandrate,  whom  he 
wished  to  propose  for  the  archbishopric  of  Ravenna. 
Soon  after  a  pontifical  letter  was  brought  to  the  Em- 
peror by  a  pooi'-looking  messenger,  who  disappeared 
immediately  after  consigning  it.  The  letter  contained 
new  and  bitter  complaints  against  the  exactions  made 
by  the  imperial  officers  after  the  Diet  of  Roncaglia 
on  ecclesiastical  possessions.  Frederick,  irritated  by 
the  tone  of  the  letter  and  the  unusual  way  it  was  sent, 
desired  his  chancellor  in  answering  it  to  place  his 
name  before  the  Pope's,  and  to  address  him  in  the 
second  person  singular.  Thus  he  thought  to  remind 
the  Pontiff  of  the  old  imperial  supremacy,  and  the  con- 


Hadrian  and  Frederick  Barbarossa.      51 

test  waxed  more  bitter  in  spite  of  all  that  Eberhard, 
bishop  of  Bamberg,  with  true  apostolic  zeal,  could  do 
to  moderate  the  Pope  and  to  soothe  Frederick.  "  For," 
as  the  good  bishop  wrote  of  the  latter  to  a  cardinal, 
"  you  know  how  he  is.  He  loves  those  who  love  him, 
and  turns  away  from  others,  not  having  yet  thoroughly 
learnt  to  love  also  his  enemies." 

In  order  to  define  the  differences  between  them,  the 
Pope  had  sent  four  cardinals  to  the  Emperor,  but  the 
terms  they  had  to  propose  appeared  too  hard  even  to 
the  bishop  of  Bamberg.  The  Pope  demanded  that  the 
Emperor  should  not  send  officers  to  Pome  without  his 
knowledge,  because  there  all  magistracy  and  royalties 
belonged  to  St.  Peter.  The  possessions  of  the  Pope 
must  not  be  subject  to  forage  for  the  imperial  troops 
except  at  the  time  of  the  coronation.  The  Italian 
bishops  only  owe  the  Emperor  the  oath  of  allegiance, 
not  that  of  vassalage,  and  the  imperial  ambassadors 
are  not  to  be  entertained  in  the  bishops'  palaces. 
Restitution  must  be  made  to  the  Pope  of  the  posses- 
sions of  the  Roman  Church  at  Tivoli,  Ferrara,  Massa, 
Figheruolo,  all  the  lands  of  the  Countess  Matilda,  the 
territory  from  Acquapendente  to  Rome,  the  duchy  of 
Spoleto,  and  the  islands  of  Sardinia  and  Corsica. 
After  long  and  various  discussions  and  many  complaints 
that  Hadrian  had  broken  the  conditions  by  making 
friends  with  the  King  of  Sicily,  Frederick,  in  repelling 
these  enormous  pretensions,  ended  by  saying,  not  with- 
out irony,  that  he  should  not  require  the  oath  of  vassal- 
age from  the  Italian  bishops  if  they  would  give  up  the 
temporalities  which  were  a  royalty  ;  that  the  imperial 
ambassadors  would  have  no  right  to  be  entertained  in 


'b' 


52       The  Popes  and  the  JIoiienstaufen. 

the  bishops'  palaces  were  it  not  that  these,  being  built 
on  allodial  laud,  were  in  reality  royal  palaces.  Then 
the  Pope's  affirmation  that  imperial  oflicers  could  not 
be  sent  to  Rome,  and  that  the  magistracy  and  the 
royalties  there  were  papal,  would  involve  such  loss  of 
all  power  in  Rome,  that  the  Roman  Emperor  would  be 
a  mere  phantom  sovereign,  bearing  an  empty  name. 

AVhile  these  matters  were  being  discussed,  there 
came  to  Frederick's  court  some  ambassadors  from  the 
city  of  Rome  to  offer  him  peace  and  recognition  of  his 
imperial  rights  in  return  for  his  recognition  and  pro- 
tection of  the  senate.  Frederick  received  gladly  these 
ambassadors,  who  arrived  so  opportunely,  and  dismissed 
them  honourably,  and  not  without  hopes.  At  the 
same  time  he  proposed  to  the  legates  that  for  the 
settlement  of  their  dispute  the  Pope  should  appoint 
six  cardinals,  he  would  name  six  bishops,  and  their 
decision  should  be  regarded  as  final.  Moreover,  he 
announced  that  he  would  send  some  ambassadors  com- 
missioned to  treat  with  the  Pope  and  the  Romans. 
In  this  account  taken  of  the  Romans  there  was  an 
implied  threat  for  Hadrian,  but  this  latter  held  out 
firmly,  and  refused  all  arbitration,  alleging  that  he,  as 
supreme  Pontiff,  could  not  submit  to  the  judgment  of 
others.  The  ambassadors  could  arrange  nothing  with 
him  or  with  the  Romans,  who  probably  suspected  that 
the  Emperor  wanted,  under  the  name  of  prefect,  to 
introduce  a  magistrate  of  his  own  into  the  city,  and 
destroy  the  authority,  if  not  the  name,  of  the  senate. 
Frederick's  hostility  to  municipal  freedom  injured  him 
on  every  side,  and  Hadrian,  perceiving  that  this  free- 
dom contained  a  principle  of  great  strength,  determined 


Hadrian  and  Frederick  Barbarossa.      53 

to  make  use  of  it,  and  addressed  himself  to  the  Lom- 
bard communes,  encouraging  them  in  their  resistance. 
During  the  siege  of  Crema  a  first  attempt  at  a 
league  was  made  between  the  people  of  Milan,  Brescia, 
and  Piacenza,  who  agreed  in  Anagni  with  Hadrian  to 
come  to  no  terms  without  his  consent  or  that  of  his 
successors.      The  besieged  citizens  of  Crema  sent  their 

O 

oath  to  the  same  effect.  The  Pope,  for  his  part,  made 
the  same  promises  to  the  leagued  city,  and  even 
announced  to  them  that  within  forty  days  he  would 
have  excommunicated  their  enemy.  But  while  Had- 
rian was  preparing  to  hurl  his  maledictions  against 
Frederick's  arms,  a  sudden  illness  carried  him  off,  the 
1st  of  September  1 1  5 9.  A  dark  future  lay  before  the 
Church. 


(     54    ) 


CHAPTER    V. 

(1159-116S.) 

ALEXANDER    III.    AND    THE   LOMBARDS  AGAINST 
THE  SCHISM  AND  THE  EMPIRE. 

When  the  body  of  Hadrian  IV.  had  been  brought 
to  Rome  and  buried  in  St.  Peter's,  the  cardinals 
met  in  that  church  to  elect  the  new  Pope.  The  two 
parties  into  which  they  were  divided  confronted  each 
other  without  a  restraining  hand  over  them,  and  on 
this  election  depended  the  complete  victory  of  one  or 
other  side  and  the  future  direction  of  the  Church's 
policy.  Agreement  was  hardly  possible.  The  majority 
inclined  to  the  election  of  the  Cardinal  Roland,  who 
favoured  the  Sicilian  alliance,  and  would  doubtless  carry 
on  the  policy  of  Hadrian,  but  the  minority  offered  a  de- 
termined resistance,  and  proposed  instead  the  Cardinal 
Octavian.  At  last,  after  three  days'  struggle,  on  the  7  th 
of  September  1 1  59,  Roland  was  elected,  but  the  other 
side  did  not  accept  its  defeat,  and  declared  for  their  part 
Octavian  to  be  Pope.  The  confusion  was  at  its  height, 
and  Octavian  throwing  himself  on  the  papal  mantle  with 
which  the  other  cardinals  were  investing  Roland,  and 
tearing  it  from  them,  tried  to  carry  it  off,  but  a  senator 


Alexander  and  the  Lombards.  55 

who  was  present  took  it  away  from  him.      However,  his 
partisans  produced  another  mantle,  which  had  been  pre- 
pared in  secret,  and  two  of  his  chaplains  arrayed  him  in 
it.     Then  the  doors  of  the  church  being  thrown  open,  a 
band  of  Octavian's  armed  followers  entered,  and  he  was 
proclaimed  Pope  under  the  name  of  Victor  IV.      The 
cardinals  who  had  elected  Koland  were  alarmed,  and 
dreadino-  violence,  thev  retired  into   the  fortress   an- 
nexed  to  the  church,  and  remained  shut  in  there  for 
several  days,  being  prevented  from  moving  by  the  arms 
of  the  opposite  faction.      At  last,  for  fear  they  should  be 
liberated  by  their  friends,  they  were  conducted  thence 
under  a  false  pretence  to  a  safer  place  in  the  Traste- 
vere,  but  it  availed  nothing.     Three  days  later,  Roland 
succeeded  in  escaping  with  his  followers,  was  received 
triumphantly  and  with  acclamations  by  his  party,  but 
was  not  strong  enough  to  remain  in  Rome.     He   left 
the  city,   followed  by  a  large  number  of  clergy  and 
people,  and  stopped  at  Ninfa,  where  he  was  consecrated 
Pope  as  Alexander  III. ;   then,   after  a  shoi't  stay  at 
Terracina,  he  went  to  Anagni.     Neither  could  Octavian 
hold  out  long:  in  Rome.      His  consecration  took  place 
in  the  monastery  of  Farfa,  whence  he  went  to  Segni. 
Thus,  in    order  to  keep  near  Rome,   the    two  rivals 
quartered    themselves  but  a  few  miles    distant   from 
each  other  in   the  Campagna.     Then  they  began   to 
hurl    excommunications    at   each    other,  and   another 
schism  rent  the  Church.      To  succeed  in  the  struggle, 
each  rival  had  to  persuade  Christendom  of  the  validity 
of  his  election.      Both  immediately  sent  legates  and 
letters  to  sovereigns  and  bishops,  each  telling  the  story 
in  his  own  way  and  declaring  himself  the  true  Pope- 


56       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

and  his  adversary  a  schismatic.  In  the  uncertainty, 
Frederick's  decision  might  have  great  weight  from  his 
power  in  Italy  and  Germany,  his  influence  through- 
out Europe,  and  his  position  as  temporal  head  of  Chris- 
tendom. So  both  turned  to  him,  but  with  very  different 
hopes  and  feelings.  Alexander  III.  mistrusted  him, 
feeling  that  he  was  not  acceptable,  while  Octavian, 
having  always  shown  himself  an  imperialist  and  an 
enemy  of  Sicily,  hoped  for  his  support.  And  even  if 
Frederick  was  really  sorry  for  the  schism,  he  could 
hardly  help  leaning  towards  Octavian.  Either  on  a 
hint  from  the  Emperor,  or  more  probably  of  their  own 
accord,  the  two  imperial  ambassadors  who  happened 
to  be  in  Rome,  at  the  time  of  the  election  took  part 
with  Octavian,  while  in  the  letters  which  this  latter 
and  his  partisans  sent  to  the  bishops  and  princes  of 
the  Empire  we  continually  find  the  accusation  against 
Alexander  and  his  cardinals  of  being  allied  with  the 
King  of  Sicily  and  conspiring  against  the  Empire.  The 
tone  of  Alexander  III.'s  letters  is  more  independent 
and  elevated,  but  they  betray  a  conviction  that  the 
imperial  sympathies  are  with  his  rival ;  and,  indeed, 
the  cardinals  in  writing  to  tell  Frederick  of  the  event 
say  so  openly :  "  May  it  be  known  to  your  sublime 
grace  that  Otto,  Count  Palatine,  taking  advantage  of 
Octavian's  intrusion,  gave  great  molestation  to  our 
aforesaid  lord  and  ourselves,  and  tried  to  divide  the 
Church  of  God  and  to  disturb  it  in  many  ways.  For 
he  violently  entered  the  Campagna  and  patrimony  of 
St.  Peter  with  the  intruder  and  apostate  Octavian, 
trying  in  every  way  to  make  the  land  subject  to  him. 
.   .   .   Consider  that  you,  in  the  office  of  your  imperial 


Alexander  and  the  Lombards.  57 

dignity,  should  protect  the  Church  and  defend  her 
from  her  opponents,  and  above  all  from  heretics  and 
schismatics.  Our  wish  is  to  honour  you  as  the  special 
defender  and  patron  of  the  Roman  Church,  and,  as  far 
as  in  us  lies,  we  desire  with  God  the  increase  of  your 
glory.  Therefore,  we  supplicate  you  to  love  and  hon- 
our the  Holy  Roman  Church  your  mother,  to  watch 
over  her  peace  and  tranquillity,  as  it  becomes  the 
imperial  excellence,  and  not  to  favour  in  any  way  the 

J.  J  J 

great  iniquity  of  this  invading  schismatic.'"'  Even  in 
these  anxious  moments  the  traditions  left  by  Hadrian 
IV.,  were  still  in  force  and  the  prayers  of  the  cardinals 
to  Frederick  sounded  almost  like  admonitions. 

But  Frederick  was  not  disposed  to  listen.  Placed 
between  the  two  pretenders,  he  seized  the  opportunity 
which  Lothair  in  the  former  schism  had  neglected,  and 
looking  backwards  at  the  examples  left  him  by  his 
earliest  predecessors,  he  aspired  to  be  arbitrator  in  this 
great  struggle.  By  this  he  hoped  to  place  again  on 
their  former  footing  ecclesiastical  rights,  which  had 
gradually  been  changing  and  seeking  emancipation 
from  the  authority  of  the  Empire.  He  therefore 
decided  to  convoke  a  council  and  intimate  to  the  two 
rivals  to  appear  before  it  and  make  good  their  claims. 
Two  bishops  were  commissioned  to  carry  the  letters 
of  invitation.  In  them  Frederick  said  that  the  care 
and  protection  of  the  Church  had  been  committed  to 
him  by  God,  and  that  he  was  greatly  grieved  by  the 
schism.  In  order  to  settle  it,  he  summoned  a  council 
to  meet  at  Pavia,  and  convoked  to  it  all  the  bishops 
and  clergy  not  only  of  the  imperial  states,  but  also  of 
other  realms.      The  council  would  judge  the  question 


5 8       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

freely,  and  lie,  in  the  name  of  God  and  the  Catholic 
Church,  commanded  them  to  present  themselves  before 
it  to  hear  the  decision.  The  two  messengers  carried 
these  letters,  while  other  letters  from  Frederick  invited 
the  bishops  and  the  higher  clergy  of  Europe  to  the 
council.  The  position  of  Alexander  III.  was  ex- 
tremely delicate,  for  in  refusing  he  might  appear  to 
have  doubts  as  to  his  cause,  and  would  give  an  easy 
pretext  for  Frederick's  open  enmity  and  for  an  alliance 
between  him  and  Octavian.  Yet  a  refusal  was  un- 
avoidable. Both  he  and  his  cardinals  were  convinced 
of  Frederick's  hostility,  and  they  also  felt  that  to 
accept  would  be  to  destroy  with  their  own  hands  the 
principle  of  a  Church  free  from  and  superior  to  all 
earthly  authority.  After  a  long  consultation  with  the 
cardinals,  Alexander  replied  to  Frederick's  envoys  that 
he  recognised  in  the  Emperor  the  special  defender 
of  the  Church,  and  would  honour  him  above  all  other 
princes,  but  that  to  honour  him  he  could  not  offend 
God.  That  he  wondered  at  Frederick's  want  of  rever- 
ence to  the  Church,  which  he,  Alexander,  represented. 
His  proposal  was  unprecedented.  He  was  overstepping- 
the  limits  of  the  imperial  dignity  in  convoking  a 
council  without  the  Pope's  knowledge,  and  summoning 
him  as  if  he  had  any  power  whatever  over  the  Pontiff. 
God  had  willed  that  he  should  be  subject  to  no  one, 
and  he  could  not  present  himself  before  the  imperial 
court  without  incurring,  through  ignorance  or  cowardice, 
the  risk  of  enslaving  that  Church  for  whose  liberty 
his  predecessors  had  died,  and  for  whom  he  too 
was  ready  if  necessary  to  lay  down  his  life.  This 
was    Alexander's    answer;     Octavian,    on    the    other 


Alexander  and  the  Lombards.  59 

hand,  accepted  the  invitation  and  betook  himself  to 
Pa  via. 

Finally,  after  a  siege  of  many  months,  Crania  had  to 
cease  from  her  heroic  defence  and  surrendered.  Frede- 
rick, in  what  he  called  his  extreme  clemency,  spared  the 
citizen's  lives ;  those  unhappy  heroes  were  driven  forth 
and  their  city  destroyed.  He  then  opened  the  council 
at  Pavia  with  a  speech  to  the  bishops,  in  which,  notwith- 
standing some  intentional  vagueness,  his  ideas  of  the 
relations  between  the  Empire  and  the  Church  came 
out  clearly  enough,  j  "  In  my  office  and  dignity  of 
Emperor,"  he  said,  "  I  can  convoke  councils,  especially 
in  moments  of  grave  peril  for  the  Church,  as  did  Con- 
stantino, Theodosius,  Justinian,  and  in  later  times  the 
emperors  Charlemagne  and  Otto.  But  I  leave  it  to 
your  prudence  and  power  to  decide  regarding  this 
most  weighty  matter  ;  for  God  made  you  priests  and 
gave  you  power  to  judge  us  also.  And  since  in  the 
things  which  belong  to  God  it  is  not  for  us  to  judge  you, 
we  exhort  you  to  act  in  this  cause  as  in  one  which  ap- 
pertains to  God  alone,  and  we  await  your  judgment." 

Having  said  these  words,  he  retired  and  left  them 
to  their  deliberations.  Besides  a  large  number  of  abbots 
and  minor  ecclesiastics,  there  were  at  this  council  about 
fifty,  between  bishops  and  archbishops,  chiefly  from 
Germany  and  North  Italy,  for  from  other  countries 
hardly  any  had  accepted  the  invitation.  Octavian  had 
an  easy  victory.  The  prelates  who  had  come  were 
predisposed  in  his  favour,  and  he  being  present,  could 
himself  defend  his  cause  and  call  witnesses.  Alex- 
ander, on  the  contrary,  did  not  recognise  the  council, 
and   had  no   one    to    defend    him,   while  besides    the 


y 


60       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

canonical  objections  which  were  made  to  him,  there 
were  other  not  unfounded  accusations  of  his  conspir- 
ing against  the  Empire  and  in  favour  of  the  Sicilian 
kingdom  and  of  the  Lombards.  Octavian  was  declared 
Pope  on  the  I  ith  of  February  1160,  being  honoured 
as  such  by  council  and  Emperor  •  the  following  day  he 
solemnly  excommunicated  Roland  and  his  followers, 
and  admonished  William  of  Sicily  and  the  Milanese 
as  invaders  of  the  rights  of  Church  and  Empire. 

This  blow  did  not  shake  Alexander.  First  of  all,  as  a 
declaration  of  open  war,  he  excommunicated  Frederick 
and  renewed  the  anathemas  against  Octavian  and  his 
accomplices.  In  this  way  he  proudly  proclaimed  his 
authority,  and  in  freeing  the  subjects  of  the  Empire 
from  all  duty  of  obedience  and  fealty,  he  encouraged  the 
revolt  of  the  Lombards  and  created  divisions  in  Ger- 
many. A  clever  and  energetic  diplomatist,  he  sent 
continually  to  the  bishops  in  all  parts  of  Europe  letters 
combining  dignity  with  insinuating  gentleness,  defend- 
ing his  rights  and  urging  them  to  plead  for  the  same 
before  people  and  kings.  He  was  specially  anxious  to 
obtain  the  recognition  of  the  courts  of  France  and 
England,  and  was  supported  in  this  by  the  French, 
Norman,  and  English  bishops.  And  in  truth  Frede- 
rick, in  spite  of  many  efforts,  could  not  get  the  sove- 
reigns of  these  two  countries  to  abandon  a  reserve 
which  was  if  anything  favourable  to  Alexander,  and 
which  later  changed  into  an  open  recognition  of  his 
claim. 

The  cruel  fate  of  Crema  had  not  diminished  the 
Lombards'  aversion  to  imperial  rule  nor  their  resist- 
ance, which  their  alliance  with  the  Pope  served  to  for- 


Alexander  and  the  Lombards.  61 

■ward  in  every  way.  Milan,  Brescia,  Piacenza  were 
in  arms,  and  Barbarossa  determined  to  cut  the  knot 
by  destroying  Milan.  It  was  a  long  and  arduous  un- 
dertaking ;  nor  would  he  have  succeeded  but  for  the 
assistance  of  those  Lombard  cities  wThose  municipal 
jealousy  aroused  a  blind  fury  against  their  powerful 
sister.  For  a  whole  year  there  was  constant  wrarfaro 
round  Milan,  with  alternating  results  and  a  cruel  de- 
struction of  the  vast  surrounding  plain.  Then  towards 
the  spring  of  1 1 6  r ,  after  the  arrival  of  reinforcements 
from  Germany  and  Hungary,  the  town  was  shut  in 
more  closely  and  an  atrocious  siege  lasted  for  another 
year.  At  length  the  flower  of  the  resisting  forces 
beinsf  killed,  disease  and  hunger  having  done  their 
worst,  the  last  munitions  being  consumed,  Milan  sur- 
rendered at  discretion.  The  fall  and  misery  of  the 
great  city  touched  even  her  enemies,  and  they  invoked 
for  her  Frederick's  clemency ;  but  the  stern  statesman 
met  their  supplications  with  a  countenance  of  stone. 
He  felt  the  necessity  of  a  terrible  example  which  might 
once  for  all  stifle  every  hope  of  resistance.  Milan 
was  utterly  destroyed  by  pillage  and  fire,  and  seemed 
to  have  disappeared  for  ever  from  the  face  of  the 
earth. 

To  those  Milanese  who  survived  the  siege  were 
assigned  four  localities  where  they  might  settle,  not 
very  far  from  the  ruined  city.  It  would  have  been 
difficult  to  provide  for  them  otherwise,  yet  a  con- 
temporary chronicler  reproached  Frederick  afterwards 
with  his  mistake  in  leaving  the  Milanese  so  near  their 
old  home  as  to  be  tempted  to  rebuild  it.  But  how  could 
he  have  feared  it  then  ?     The  power  of  Barbarossa  was 


62       The  Popes  axd  the  IIohenstaueen. 

at  that  time  unbounded  in  Lombard y.  Piacenza  and 
Brescia,  giving  up  all  idea  of  resistance,  accepted  bis 
bard  conditions,  dismantled  their  walls,  received  the  im- 
perial officers,  gave  money  and  hostages,  and  recognised 
the  Emperor's  Pope,  while  the  bishop  of  Piacenza,  who 
opposed  him,  went  to  rejoin  Alexander  III.  in  exile. 
Many  other  cities  submitted  to  the  potent  monarch,  and 
the  imperial  rights  proclaimed  some  years  before  at 
Eoncaglia  were  at  last  in  full  force.  The  Lombard 
cities,  in  losing  their  deai^ly-prized  liberty,  were  reap- 
ing the  fruit  of  their  discords.  It  was  a  bitter  fruit, 
but  destined  to  act  upon  them  as  a  healing  medicine. 

After  the  subjection  of  Lombardy  and  the  firmer  foot- 
hold gained  in  Northern  Italy,  it  seemed  easier  for 
Frederick  to  realise  his  plan  of  extending  bis  rule,  or 
at  least  his  direct  influence,  over  the  whole  of  the  penin- 
sula ;  but  Alexander  III.'s  strong  yet  flexible  nature 
was  always  there  to  oppose  his  designs.  While  he  was 
fighting  in  Lombardy,  Alexander,  except  for  a  short 
stay  in  Rome,  rendered  soon  untenable  by  his  adver- 
saries, had  remained  in  the  Campagna,  harassed  by 
the  imperial  troops,  which  had  taken  possession  of 
almost  the  whole  patrimony  of  St.  Peter.  Gradually  all 
Europe  and  the  East  had  recognised  him,  leaving  Frede- 
rick alone  in  his  support  of  Octavian,  but  the  difficulty 
of  holding  out  in  the  Campagna,  notwithstanding  sup- 
port from  Sicily,  increased,  so  that  he  resolved  to  leave 
Italy.  Accompanied  by  his  court,  he  betook  himself  to 
France,  the  faithful  refuge  of  exiled  Popes,  thinking 
truly  that  he  could  thence  exercise  a  more  direct  influ- 
ence on  the  French  and  English  kings,  and  counter- 
act the  activity  of  the  Emperor  against  him.      Having 


Alexander  and  the  Lombards.  6s 

embarked  at  Capo  Circello  on  board  the  Sicilian  gal- 
leys, he  stopped  at  Genoa,  and  entering  France  by 
Provence,  was  received  everywhere  with  great  honours. 
Writing  from  Genoa  to  Eberhard,  bishop  of  Salzburg, 
who  was  his  stoutest  champion  in  Germany,  he  ex- 
horted him  to  admonish  the  Emperor  to  abandon  the 
schism  and  return  to  the  Church,  when  all  past  wrongs 
would  be  forgotten.  But  while  he  offered  peace  he  did 
not  suspend  warfare,  and  soon  after,  in  the  spring  of 
1 162,  at  Montpellier  he  solemnly  repeated  the  sentence 
of  excommunication,  against  Octavian  and  Frederick  ; 
also,  while  trying  everywhere  in  Germany  and  Italy 
to  draw  all  men  over  to  his  cause,  he  incited  the  clergy 
in  a  thousand  ways  to  resist  Octavian,  which  meant 
resisting  Frederick.  This  latter  had  convoked  two 
more  synods  at  Lodi  and  Cremona,  and  in  both  the 
decisions  of  the  synod  of  Pavia  were  confirmed  ;  but  he 
could  not  avoid  seeing  that  among  the  German  and 
Italian  bishops  Alexander's  adherents  continued  to  in- 
crease, either  openly  or  in  secret,  and  that  even  among 
those  most  obsequious  to  himself  many  accepted  Oct;;- 
vian  with  reserve.  He  therefore  resolved,  at  whatever 
cost,  to  overthrow  his  dangerous  adversary,  and  as  a 
first  step  tried  to  deprive  him  of  his  present  asylum. 

After  so  prolonged  an  absence,  Frederick  felt  that 
his  return  to  Germany  was  imperative,  and  indeed 
Lombardy  was  so  wasted  that  an  army  could  no  longer 
subsist  there.  He  deputed  some  officers  to  hold  the 
province  and  keep  it  down,  and  then  crossed  the  Alps, 
but  not  before  he  had  addressed  Louis  VII.  of  France, 
profiting  by  the  threatening  attitude  of  England,  to  try 
to  gain  him  over  to  himself  and  separate  him  entirely 


64       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

from  the  Pope.  Louis  hesitated ;  by  nature  irresolute, 
and  advised  by  some  round  him  who  were  in  favour  of 
an  alliance  with  the  Emperor,  he  treated  with  Frederick, 
and  even  entered  into  relations  with  Octavian,  but 
without  breaking  with  Alexander,  who,  however,  saw 
what  was  going  on  and  felt  anxious.  It  was  settled 
that  on  the  29th  of  August  1 162  Frederick  and  Louis 
should  have  an  interview  on  the  banks  of  the  Saone  near 
St.  Jean  de  Losne,  where  the  French  kingdom  adjoined 
Burgundy,  which  was  subject  to  Frederick.  Henry  of 
Troves,  brother-in-law  of  the  king,  who  wished  for  the 
alliance  in  order  to  estrange  Louis  from  Henry  II.  of 
England,  agreed  to  certain  conditions  for  the  interview. 
The  two  sovereigns  were  to  bring-  with  them  the  two 
pretenders  to  the  papacy,  and  to  recognise  as  the  true 
Pope  the  one  judged  to  be  such  by  the  highest  mag- 
nates of  the  two  realms,  both  ecclesiastical  and  lay.  If 
one  of  the  pretenders  should  decline  to  appear,  the 
claims  of  the  other  should  be  acknowledged  without 
further  delay.  Later  the  King  of  France  asserted  that 
Henry  of  Troyes  went  beyond  his  instructions,  and  had 
no  authority  to  agree  to  such  conditions.  Meanwhile 
Alexander,  perceiving  the  serious  danger  of  such  an 
interview,  did  all  in  his  power  to  hinder  it,  and  be- 
sieged with  letters  and  messengers  all  those  who  might 
directly  or  indirectly  influence  the  king.  He  partly 
succeeded,  for  he  himself  had  an  interview  with  Louis 
only  a  few  days  before  he  was  to  meet  the  Emperor. 
He  could  not  dissuade  the  king  from  the  meeting,  but 
he  was  able  to  convince  him  that  he,  the  Vicar  of 
Christ,  could  not  bow  before  any  human  tribunal,  and 
instead  of  accompanying  him   himself,  he  sent  some 


Alexander  and  the  Lombards.  65 

cardinals  with  him  to  support  his  cause,  and  left  the 
king  well  secured  against  the  imperial  flatteries. 

The  King  of  France  advanced  hesitatingly  towards 
the  banks  of  the  Saone,  anxious  not  to  keep  the  in- 
cautious promises  of  Henry  of  Troyes,  but  uncertain 
how  to  act.  He  also  had  suspicions  of  Frederick,  who, 
besides  his  Pope,  the  King  of  Denmark,  and  a  great 
many  other  bishops  and  princes,  brought  with  him  a 
considerable  army.  Frederick  also  had  his  suspicions, 
and  foresaw  Alexander's  influence  on  the  mind  of  Louis. 
However,  early  on  the  day  fixed,  he  presented  himself 
with  Victor  IV.  on  the  bridge  where  the  meeting  was 
to  take  place,  but  not  finding  the  king  there,  he  retired. 
Later  Louis  arrived,  and  without  waiting  to  see  whether 
the  Emperor  would  return,  he  also  promptly  departed. 

Thus  the  interview  did  not  take  place,  perhaps  be- 
cause neither  of  the  princes  wished  for  it.  But  the 
next  day,  at  Dijon,  Henry  of  Troyes,  by  threatening 
to  transfer  his  allegiance  to  the  Emperor,  induced 
Louis  to  promise  again  that  he  would  return  in  three 
weeks  for  a  colloquy,  and  would,  as  well  as  the  Empe- 
ror, accept  the  decision  of  a  congress.  This  promise 
disturbed  Alexander.  It  was  out  of  the  question  he 
should  yield  and  present  himself  at  that  congress ; 
and  he  now  saw  Louis  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
Emperor.  But  he  did  not  lose  heart.  He  redoubled 
his  instances,  so  that  if  the  King  of  France  could  not 
avoid  Frederick,  he  might  at  least  not  be  shaken  by 
him ;  and  in  order  to  detach  Louis  from  every  idea 
of  an  imperial  alliance,  he  made  efforts  to  draw  over  to 
him  the  King  of  England,  who,  at  least  for  the  moment, 
and  for  the  sake  of  hindering  an  alliance  dangerous  to 
C.  H.  E 


66       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

himself  also,  willingly  seconded  these  efforts.  This 
clever  move  disconcerted  Frederick.  His  meeting  with 
the  king  did  not  take  place  ;  for  in  his  discouragement 
he  began  to  think  of  retiring,  not  being  in  a  position  to 
enter  suddenly  on  a  campaign  against  the  two  monarchs 
who  were  entering  into  an  alliance  before  his  eyes. 
He  did  not  go  to  meet  the  king,  and  sent  in  his  stead 
his  chancellor,  Dassel,  who  refused  to  recognise  the  con- 
ditions agreed  to  ;  so  that  Louis,  declaring  himself  free 
from  every  obligation  towards  the  Emperor,  turned  his 
back  on  the  chancellor  and  returned  to  Dijon,  glad  to 
have  got  off  so  easily. 

Before  leaving  Burgundy  for  Germany,  Frederick 
held  a  diet  at  Dole,  in  which  Victor  IV.  defended 
afresh  the  validity  of  his  election,  and  repeated  his 
excommunication  of  Alexander.  But  the  skilful  policy 
of  this  latter  assured  him  a  triumph  at  this  time. 
After  a  meeting  with  Henry  II.  of  England  at  Cba- 
teauroux,  he  saw  him  again,  a  few  days  later,  at  Couci- 
sur-Loire,  together  with  the  King  of  France.  There 
the  two  monarchs,  with  great  ostentation  of  reveren- 
tial homage,  solemnly  proclaimed,  before  the  Empire 
and  the  world,  that  the  Pontiff  who  had  united  them 
was  the  true  Pope ;  and  Alexander's  position  as  head 
of  Christendom  was  assured.  The  rivalry  of  Octavian, 
who  was  no  longer  formidable,  thus  almost  disappeared, 
and  the  struggle,  losing  its  personal  character,  became 
again  one  of  vast  interests  and  principles  between  the 
Papacy  and  the  Empire.  This  was  now  to  be  the  great 
object  of  all  Alexander's  and  Frederick's  most  tenacious 
efforts. 

Though  transferred    for   a   moment  to  France,  the 


Alexander  and  the  Lombards.  6j 

real  seat  of  this  struggle  was  always  Italy,  and  on  it 
was  fixed  the  gaze  of  the  two  sagacious  adversaries, 
though  neither  of  them  could  return  there  iust  then. 
Frederick  was  obliged  to  stay  some  time  longer  in 
Germany,  where  much  internal  discord  required  his 
restraining  hand.  Lombardy  meanwhile  was  being 
cruelly  oppressed.  The  imperial  officers,  without 
mercy  or  restraint,  and  with  a  rapacity  that  knew 
no  bounds,  were  wringing  the  last  drop  from  those 
populations,  already  chafing  at  the  loss  of  their  liber- 
ties. The  victims,  suffering  from  every  form  of  griev- 
ance and  hardship,  vainly  pleaded  for  justice;  the  only 
answer  to  their  supplications  were  heavier  burdens 
and  increased  extortions.  The  recent  recollection 
of  defeat  and  the  terrible  example  of  Milan  warned 
them  to  be  patient,  so  that  the  unhappy  provinces 
were  reduced  to  wishing  for  Frederick's  return,  think- 
ing: that  the  sight  of  their  miseries  would  move  him 
to  relieve  them.  False  hope !  Barbarossa  returned 
with  a  small  army,  but  he  paid  little  heed  to  the 
lamentations  which  resounded  on  all  sides,  and  the 
oppression  grew  daily  more  grievous.  The  measure  of 
sorrow  and  suffering  was  heaped  up.  While  Frederick 
was  engaged  in  appointing  one  of  his  creatures  as 
king  in  Sardinia,  without  estranging  Genoa  and  Pisa, 
who  were  disputing  with  each  other  the  possession  of 
the  island,  some  signs  of  resistance  began  to  appear. 
Fueouraged  by  Venice  and  leagued  together,  Verona, 
Padua,  and  Vicenza  revolted,  and  swore  to  defend  each 
other  mutually,  and  not  to  yield  to  the  Empire  any 
right  not  included  in  ancient  custom.  This  was  the 
nucleus  of  a  wider  league ;   and   Barbarossa,  who  felt 


6S       The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstaufen. 

this,  and  had  no  sufficient  army  with  him  to  quell 
those  cities,  sought  to  pacify  them ;  but  the  attempt 
failed.  Calling  in  the  assistance  of  Pavia,  Mantua, 
and  Ferrara,  which  he  loaded  with  privileges,  he  tried 
to  advance  against  the  allies,  which  had  been  joined 
by  Treviso  and  a  tract  of  the  neighbouring  country ; 
but  they  presented  themselves  in  such  strong  force 
that  he  was  obliged  to  retire  without  risking  a  battle. 

In  the  meantime  the  ecclesiastical  questions  had 
become  further  complicated.  The  antipope,  Octavian, 
had  died  at  Lucca,  and  the  chancellor,  Rainald  Dassel, 
archbishop  of  Cologne,  a  fierce  imperialist,  and  afraid, 
perhaps,  that  the  Emperor  himself  might  come  to 
terms  with  Alexander  III.,  obtained  the  election  of 
one  of  the  two  remaining  schismatic  cardinals,  Guido 
of  Crema,  who  took  the  name  of  Paschal  III.  Frede- 
rick accepted  him  as  true  Pope,  and  tried  hard,  after 
his  return  to  Germany,  to  get  him  recognised  by  the 
Italian  and  German  bishops.  In  both  countries,  how- 
ever, he  found  the  whole  episcopate  not  only  hesitating, 
but  opposed  to  an  election  with  so  little  pretension  to 
legality.  Conrad  of  Wittelsbach,  archbishop-elect  of 
Mentz,  rather  than  yield,  went  into  exile  in  France 
near  Alexander  ;  the  archbishops  of  Trier  and  Magde- 
burg, the  bishops  of  Salzburg  and  Brixen,  held  out ; 
many  others  submitted  in  appearance  only  to  the 
imperial  will.  This  ecclesiastical  opposition,  which 
increased  the  turmoil  of  fresh  discords  in  Germany 
then  harassing  the  Empire,  was  well  known  to  the 
Lombards  and  encouraged  them. 

Nor  was  it  from  this  side  only  that  encouragement 
came.      Alexander  III.   had  not  remained  inactive  all 


Alexander  and  the  Lombards.  69 

this  time,  and  after  visiting  at  Paris  the  King  of  France, 
who  received  him  with  great  honour,  he  had  called  a 
council  at  Tours,  to  which  bishops  from  all  parts  had 
presented  themselves,  and  even  many  of  the  Germans 
had  written  to  Alexander  giving  in  their  secret  adhe- 
rence. Having  thus  strengthened  his  own  position 
and  cut  off  Octavian  from  all  support  except  that  of 
the  Emperor,  he  began  to  feel  his  way  towards  a  recon- 
ciliation with  the  latter;  but  Frederick  brought  up  again 
the  question  of  the  legality  of  the  election,  insisting  on 
its  being  decided  by  arbitration,  so  that  the  negotiations 
soon  came  to  an  end.  Then  Alexander  carried  on  the 
struggle,  and  did  all  he  could  to  keep  alive  the  wrath 
of  Lombardy.  His  letters  written  from  France,  and 
those  of  the  prelates  who  followed  his  fortunes,  show 
what  hopes  he  placed  in  the  league  of  the  Lombards 
and  in  their  undaunted  spirit  of  revolt  and  of  resistance 
to  servitude.  By  open  and  by  secret  means  he  animated 
them,  and  at  the  same  time  did  not  lose  sight  of  the 
other  courts,  trying  to  be  on  friendly  terms  with  them 
and  to  destroy  their  confidence  in  Frederick.  With 
Louis  of  France,  with  the  court  of  Sicily,  he  was  closely 
allied,  while  he  had  constant  communications  with 
the  Emperor  of  Constantinople  and  with  Venice,  both 
declared  enemies  of  Barbarossa.  He  made  continual 
efforts  to  draw  all  these  powers  into  closer  harmony  in 
favour  of  the  Church,  while  Frederick,  feeling  his  isola- 
tion and  the  network  of  enmity  which  surrounded  him, 
was  watching  for  the  point  where  he  could  best  break 
through  and  destroy  it. 

Henry  II.  of  England,  in  spite  of  the  homage  paid 
to  the  Pope  at  Couci-sur-Loire,  had   not  remained  a 


yo       The  Popes  and  the  IIohenstaufen. 

devout  and  steadfast  adherent  like  Louis  VII.  Besides 
its  being  very  difficult  for  the  Pope  to  be  equally  ac- 
ceptable to  two  potentates  who  had  so  many  motives 
of  mutual  suspicion,  a  serious  cause  of  discontent  had 
arisen  between  Alexander  and  Henry.  It  grew  out  of 
that  jealous  care  characteristic  of  English  history  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  with  which  the  royal  prerogatives  were 
guarded  against  ecclesiastical  interference,  and  which 
was  at  that  moment  maintained  with  extreme  rigOur. 
We  must  touch  upon  it  here  only  on  account  of  its  influ- 
ence on  the  relations  between  Church  and  Empire.  The 
contest  which  William  Rufus  had  sustained  with  the 
gentle  but  inflexible  piety  of  Anselm  was  now  repeated 
with  more  bitterness  between  men  of  very  different  tem- 
pers. Thomas  Becket,  when  he  succeeded  the  learned 
and  prudent  Theobald  in  the  see  of  Canterbury,  had 
altered  his  habits,  not  his  character,  which  was  noble 
but  excessive  even  in  good,  and  pugnacious  in  spite 
of  frequent  gleams  of  humility  and  charity.  To  the 
struggle  between  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  and 
the  King  of  England  Alexander  could  not  remain 
indifferent,  and  as  in  the  interests  of  the  Church  of 
Canterbury  were  involved  the  interests  and  principles 
of  the  universal  Church,  the  Pope  supported  the  arch- 
bishop. But  it  was  a  delicate  matter.  The  king  had 
warm  and  not  disinterested  friends  in  the  Curia  and 
among  the  Pope's  most  influential  counsellors,  while  a 
not  inconsiderable  part  of  the  English  clergy  were 
adverse  to  Becket,  whose  defence  was  rendered  more 
difficult  by  his  often  intemperate  zeal.  Add  to  this 
— and  hence  the  connection  between  this  important 
ecclesiastical  episode  and  our  history — that  the  schism, 


Alexander  and  the  Lombards.  yi 

though  less  threatening,  was  not  yet  entirely  quenched, 
and  might  still,  not  probably  but  possibly,  be  rekindled 
if  Henry  joined  the  Emperor  and  succeeded  in  carry- 
ing with  him  part  of  his  clergy. 

Nor  did  Frederick  omit  to  seek  an  alliance  with  the 
King  of  England,  and  this  latter,  taking  advantage  of 
the  opportunity,  responded  to  his  advances,  and  con- 
tinued  in  this  way  to  threaten    Alexander   until  the 
final    tragic    scene    of  this   controversy  with    Becket. 
Still    this   alliance,  which    deprived    Alexander   of   a 
strong  support  and  rendered  the  greatest  circumspec- 
tion necessary  in  his  dealings  with  the  English  king, 
did  not  essentially  change  Frederick's  position  in  his 
struggle  with  the  Pope.      This  latter  was  now  well 
rooted  in  his  place,  and  though  he  might  be  shaken, 
he  could  not  be  overturned,  and  intended  now  to  re- 
enter Italy  and  find   himself  on  the  principal  battle- 
field.     As   soon   as   his  vicar,   the   cardinal  of  Saints 
John  and  Paul,  had  gained  for  him  so  much  loyalty 
among  the  Eomans  as  secured  his  being  able  to  stay 
in  Eome,  Alexander  left  the  hospitable  coast  of  France 
in    September    1 1 6  5 ,   and    in  November  touched    at 
Messina.     The  King  of  Sicily  sent  him  rich  gifts  from 
Palermo,  and  gave  orders  that  five  galleys  and  some 
important  personages  of  the  realm  should  accompany 
him  to  Rome.      He  was   received  there  with  solemn 
pomp,  and  amid  the  acclamations  of  the  people  went 
in  procession  to  take  up  his  abode  in  the  Lateran.      It 
was  the  sixth  year  of  his  pontificate. 

Frederick  had  returned  some  time  before  to  Ger- 
many, and  while  trying  to  strengthen  order  and  gov- 
ernment, he  was  intent  on  preparing  such  an  army  as 


72       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

might  once  for  all,  if  led  into  Italy,  put  a  stop  to  the 
innumerable  hindrances  which  met  him  from  one  end 
to  the  other  of  the  peninsula.  With  his  mind  full  of 
the  majesty  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  he  had  wished 
to  reawaken  reverence  for  it  in  other  minds  by  pro- 
curing special  honours  for  its  great  founder,  whom  he 
admired  and  longed  to  imitate.  Paschal  III.  canon- 
ised Charlemagne  on  the  Christmas-day  of  1 1 65  at 
Aix-la-Chapelle ;  but  that  hero  did  not  rise  from  his 
uncovered  tomb,  nor  did  his  times  return.  The  ages 
had  brought  great  changes.  Papacy,  Empire,  and 
people,  and  the  entire  atmosphere  of  thoughts  and 
hopes  that  surrounded  them,  were  no  longer  the  same  ; 
different  also  was  the  arduous  and  less  fruitful  labour 
which  destiny  had  reserved  for  Barbarossa's  tenacious 
spirit. 

y  Encouraged  by  his  absence,  the  Lombards  took  up 
an  attitude  of  more  open  defiance.  The  troops  were 
often  insufficient  to  suppress  the  frequent  tumults  in 
the  subject  cities,  and  at  Bologna  the  imperial  lieu- 
tenant was  even  killed  by  the  populace.  In  Sicily 
the  death  of  William  I.,  to  whom,  under  his  mother's 
regency,  succeeded  William  II.,  later  called  the  Good, 
had  not  altered  the  friendly  understanding  with  the 
Pope.  On  the  contrary,  this  was  strengthened,  and 
to  a  certain  extent  it  was  cemented,  by  the  Emperor 
Manuel  of  Constantinople,  who,  hostile  to  Barbarossa, 
and  anxious  to  take  his  place  in  Italy,  paid  court  to 
both  the  young  prince  and  the  Pope,  flattering  this 
latter  with  the  mirage  of  reunion  with  the  Greek 
Church,  and  asking  in  exchange  the  Roman  crown  of 
Empire.      Alexander,  prudent,  and  incredulous  of  the 


Alexander  and  the  Lombards.  73 

result,  began  nevertheless  negotiations  with  a  view  to 
isolating  Frederick  and  causing  hiru  anxiety.  Venice, 
Sicily,  and  Constantinople  were  united  in  a  common 
object,  and  were  masters  of  the  Adriatic,  while  in  the 
Mediterranean,  Pisa,  and  still  more  Genoa,  though 
friendly  to  the  Emperor,  could  not  always  be  depended 
on.  Therefore,  with  the  sea  shut  in  great  part  against 
him,  and  with  opposition  in  the  interior,  it  had  become 
necessary  for  him  to  reconquer  Italy  or  to  abandon 
her  altogether.  He  sent  on  ahead  with  the  vanguard 
the  archbishop  of  Cologne,  Eainald  Dassel,  and  followed 
himself,  determined  to  strike  a  decisive  blow.  Eainald 
moved  towards  Rome,  and  encamping  round  it,  drew 
over  a  large  part  of  the  Campagna  into  obedience 
to  Paschal  III.,  then  residing  at  Viterbo,  which  had 
become  a  centre  of  operations  for  the  imperialists. 
Barbarossa,  on  his  descent  into  Lombardy,  devastated 
the  districts  of  Brescia  and  Bergamo,  then  advanc- 
ing, avenged  at  Bologna  the  death  of  his  lieutenant, 
ravaged  Romagna,  and  stationed  himself  before  Ancona, 
which  was  a  key  to  the  Adriatic,  and  the  safest  har- 
bour for  the  Greek  fleets.  By  seizing  on  this  town 
he  hoped  to  give  a  death-blow  to  Byzantine  interests, 
and  to  place  himself  in  a  commanding  position  between 
Venice  and  Sicily.      The  siege  of  Ancona  began. 

He  met  with  stout  resistance  ;  while  in  Lombardy 
the  league  of  Verona  had  set  an  example,  which  early 
in  1 167  Bergamo,  Brescia,  Cremona,  and  Mantua  fol- 
lowed. Soon  afterwards  the  dispersed  citizens  of  Milan 
swore  to  the  conditions  of  the  famous  league,  which 
was  to  rescue  Lombardy,  and,  when  it  was  formed,  its 
members  met  again  at  the  abbey  of  Pontida  for  the 


74       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

discussion  of  their  projects.  Putting  aside  their  fra- 
ternal enmity  to  the  queen  of  Lombard  cities,  they 
decided  that  Milan  must  be  rebuilt,  and  raised  as  a 
war-standard  against  the  oppressor.  On  April  27, 
1  167,  the  ti*oops  of  the  confederates  appeared  before 
the  fallen  city,  to  assist  in  her  reconstruction,  and  to 
defend  her  in  case  of  attack  on  the  part  mo;re  espe- 
cially of  Pavia,  the  faithful  ally  of  the  Empire.  Milan 
rose  from  her  ruins.  The  league  began  to  spread, 
other  towns  joined  it,  and  on  every  side  fortifications 
were  raised,  walls  rebuilt,  preparations  were  made  for 
war,  and  men's  hearts  beat  high. 

The  Pope  gave  his  warmest  blessing  to  this  zeal  and 
harmony,  in  which  he  saw  his  surest  support  in  present 
difficulties.  He  scattered  all  the  gold  he  had  among 
the  leading  men  in  Rome,  and  was  regarded  with  a 
friendly  eye  by  the  Romans  in  general,  thanks  to  their 
hatred  of  the  neighbouring  cities,  who  favoured  the 
Empire,  and  especially  of  Tusculum.  The  republican 
rule  in  Rome  had  encouraged  the  formation  of  a  city 
militia  so  numerous  as  to  give  some  anxiety  to  the 
archbishop  of  Cologne,  who  found  himself  at  Tusculum 
with  insufficient  forces.  The  Emperor  sent  him  rein- 
forcements led  by  another  archbishop,  Christian  of 
Buch,  a  clever  and  very  warlike  man,  whom  he  had 
intruded  into  Mentz  in  place  of  Conrad  of  Wittels- 
bach.  The  Romans,  deaf  to  the  Pope's  dissuasions, 
advanced  boldly  and  in  great  numbers  against  the  two 
archbishops  to  Monte  Porzio  on  the  Tusculan  hills, 
but  being  surrounded,  suffered  a  tremendous  defeat, 
and  escaping  with  difficulty,  were  pursued  as  far  as 
Rome,  leaving  the   battlefield  and  the   line   of  flight 


Alexander  and  the  Lombards.  75 

strewn  with  corpses.  The  discouragement  and  distress 
were  great,  and  funeral  lamentations  filled  the  streets. 
The  Pope,  on  seeing  the  danger,  collected  what  soldiers 
he  could,  had  the  weaker  parts  of  the  wall  strengthened 
and  prepared  for  resistance,  as  the  imperial  troops 
were  already  encamped  before  the  city.  Frederick, 
entreated  by  the  archbishop  of  Mentz,  made  peace 
with  Ancona,  and  advancing  rapidly,  appeared  with 
his  army  on  the  heights  of  Monte  Mario.  The  follow- 
ing day,  coming  down  the  hill,  he  attempted  to  storm 
the  walls,  but  was  repulsed  by  the  Pope's  soldiers. 
After  another  furious  assault  behind  the  castellated 
church  of  St.  Peter,  the  imperialists,  enraged  by  resist- 
ance, made  good  their  entrance.  The  neighbouring 
church  of  St.  Maria  in  Torri  was  set  fire  to,  and  the 
flames  attacked  the  vestibule  of  the  very  basilica.  The 
Emperor's  nephew,  Frederick  of  Rotenburg,  son  of 
King  Conrad  III.,  a  handsome  and  courageous  knight, 
amidst  blinding  flames  broke  open  the  temple  doors 
with  his  battle-axe,  and  the  armed  tide,  among  the 
rest  the  two  archbishops,  burst  in,  spreading  blood  and 
slaughter  up  to  the  polluted  tomb  of  the  apostles. 
Fearing  the  complete  destruction  of  the  church,  the 
Papal  troops  surrendered.  Then  the  antipope  was 
hastily  enthroned  there,  and  the  Emperor  had  the 
Empress  crowned  with  great  pomp. 

The  left  bank  of  the  Tiber  was  not  yet  in  Barbarossa's 
hands.  The  Pope,  who  some  time  before  had  retired 
near  the  Coliseum,  where  the  Frangipane  were  fortified, 
was  in  constant  communication  with  the  cardinals  and 
bishops  as  to  what  could  be  done  in  such  a  strait.  The 
King  of  Sicily  had  lately  sent  by  the  Tiber  two  galleys 


j6       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

and  a  large  sum  of  money,  to  be  used,  the  former  for 
flight,  the  second  for  defence,  according  as  they  were 
needed.  Alexander  distributed  the  money  among  the 
Roman  nobles  who  were  on  his  side,  and  among  the 
guards  at  the  gates,  and  sent  away  the  galleys  with  two 
cardinals,  but  would  not  himself  abandon  Rome.  In 
that  dark  hour  he  still  felt  himself  strong,  and  perhaps 
did  not  despair  of  coming  to  at  least  a  temporary  under- 
standing with  Frederick  while  the  Romans  continued 
to  support  him.  Certainly  he  allowed  Conrad  of  Wittels- 
bach,  the  fugitive  archbishop  of  Mentz,  to  pay  the 
Emperor  a  visit.  This  latter,  seizing  the  opportunity, 
commissioned  Conrad  to  propose  to  the  bishops  and 
cardinals  that  Alexander  and  Paschal  should  both  of 
them  give  up  the  Papacy,  and  that  a  third  person  should 
be  chosen  freely  in  their  stead.  He  also  informed  the 
Romans  of  his  proposal,  promising  if  it  was  carried  into 
effect  to  return  all  the  prisoners  and  the  booty  that 
remained  after  the  defeat  of  Monte  Porzio.  The  bishops 
and  cardinals  unanimously  and  unhesitatingly  rejected 
this  proposal,  but  the  people  urged  that  Alexander 
should  give  way,  in  order  to  save  his  flock  in  this 
emergency,  and  should  give  up  the  Papacy.  Alexander, 
after  secretly  taking  counsel  with  a  few  cardinals,  sud- 
denly disappeared.  Three  days  later  he  was  seen  with 
some  attendant  taking  refreshment  at  the  foot  of  Monte 
Circello,  then  by  Terracina  and  Gaeta  he  retired  to 
Benevento,  where  the  cardinals  who  had  remained 
behind  joined  him,  clinging  to  their  head,  says  Alexan- 
der's biographer,  as  limbs  of  a  single  body. 

When   Alexander  had  left  the   town,  the   Romans 


Alexander  and  the  Lombards.  77 

made  terms  with  Frederick,  taking  an  oath  of  obedience, 
and  subordinating  to  his  authority  the  appointment  and 
power  of  the  senate.  The  appearance  on  the  Tiber  of 
eight  Pisan  galleys  contributed  probably  to  overcome 
their  opposition,  as  also  the  announced  approach  of  a 
large  fleet  of  ships  ready  at  a  signal  from  the  Emperor 
to  attack  Rome  and  Sicily.  The  power  of  Frederick 
had  now  reached  its  summit.  Master  of  Rome,  with 
the  Pope  a  fugitive,  strong  in  his  own  arms  and  in  the 
Pisan  ships,  he  was  preparing  to  attack  the  King  of 
Sicily,  utterly  crush  his  forces,  then  return  to  quell  the 
rebellious  Lombards,  and  having  at  length  made  him- 
self  master  of  Italy,  he  would  show  himself  to  the  world 
as  the  real  head  of  the  revived  Empire  of  Charlemagne. 
Destiny  willed  otherwise.  It  was  now  August ;  the 
sun  was  burning  the  arid  Campagna  and  oppressing 
the  weary  German  troops.  A  slight  rain  came  to  re- 
fresh them,  but  the  following  day  sudden  destruction 
fell  upon  the  camp.  Deadly  fever  attacked  the  army 
with  terrible  violence  and  reduced  it  daily.  The  men 
fell  in  heaps,  and  when  struck  down  in  the  morning 
were  dead  by  night.  The  disease  took  stronger  hold 
owing  to  the  superstitious  fears  of  the  army  and  the 
idea  of  divine  vengeance,  for  the  soldiers  remembered 
in  terror  the  profanation  of  St.  Peter's,  and  they  felt 
the  keen  edge  of  the  destroying  angel's  sword.  De- 
cimated, dismayed,  demoralised,  the  imperial  army 
was  hopelessly  defeated,  and  Frederick  was  compelled 
to  strike  his  tents  and  fly  before  the  invisible  destroyer. 
Pursued  by  this  foe,  he  led  what  remained  of  his  unfor- 
tunate forces  towards  the  Tuscan  highlands,  losing  great 


73       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

numbers  by  the  way.  The  flower  of  Lis  troops  lay 
unburied  in  tlie  furrows,  and  with  difficulty  could  he 
manage  to  carry  back  to  their  native  land  the  bodies 
of  his  noblest  and  trustiest  knights.  Never  perhaps 
before  had  Frederick  given  proofs  of  such  unshaken 
strength  of  mind.  The  most  tenacious  supporters  of 
his  plans,  the  most  valiant  sharers  of  his  perils,  had 
fallen  one  by  one  before  that  inglorious  foe.  The  high 
chancellor-archbishop  of  Cologne,  Rainald  Dassel,  was 
a  corpse,  and  stiffened  in  death  lay  the  arm  of  young 
Frederick  of  Suabia,  who  but  a  few  days  before  had 
struck  so  vigorously  at  the  portals  of  St.  Peter's.  The 
bishops  of  Liege,  Spires,  Ratisbon,  Verden  all  dead, 
dead  also  Duke  Guelph  of  Bavaria,  and  hundreds  of 
other  nobles  and  churchmen.  On  this  desolate  march 
Frederick  dragged  along  the  survivors  as  best  he  could 
with  him  into  Tuscany,  and  delayed  there  but  a  few 
days  while  the  disease  still  lingered  among  them.  Not 
being1  able  to  follow  the  usual  roads,  which  were  barred 
by  the  Lombards  in  arms,  he  took  to  the  hills,  and  by 
rough  paths  reached  Pavia.  Having  gathered  together 
the  scattered  remnants,  and  assisted  by  some  city  still 
faithful,  by  the  Count  of  Biandrate  and  the  Marquis  of 
Montferrat,  he  attempted  in  some  small  engagements 
to  ravage  the  Milanese  territory  during  the  winter  ;  but 
the  superior  forces  of  Lombardy  enclosed  him  as  in  an 
iron  ring,  so  that  he  had  to  make  use  of  craft  to  get 
out  of  Italy  in  safety.  Under  the  protection  of  Hum- 
bert, Count  of  Maurienne,  he  arrived  with  a  few  men 
at  Susa,  whence,  owiug  to  the  threats  of  the  citizens 
risen  in  revolt,  he  had  great  difficulty  in  escaping  by 


Alexander  and  the  Lombards.  79 

night  across  the  Alps.  He  returned  to  Germany  alone 
and  almost  a  fugitive,  his  bravest  knights  dead,  his 
army  destroyed,  and  leaving  behind  him  a  whole  nation 
of  proud  and  watchful  enemies.  He  returned  alone, 
but  his  spirit  was  undaunted  and  dreamt  of  future 
victory  and  of  final  revenge. 


(     3o    ) 


CHAPTER    VI. 

(116S-1181.) 

THE  BATTLE  OF  LEGNANO  AND   THE  PEACE   OF 
VENICE— DEATH  OF  ALEXANDER  III. 

The  absence  of  Barbarossa  did  not  lull  to  sleep  the 
courageous  activity  of  the  leagued  Lombards,  who 
made  their  preparations  in  expectation  of  his  return. 
The  league  spread  rapidly,  and  in  a  short  time  the 
greater  part  of  the  cities  and  territories  of  Venetia, 
Lombardy,  and  Piedmont  were  in  a  confederation 
against  the  Emperor,  against  those  cities  like  Pavia 
which  still  sided  with  him,  and  against  the  feudal  lords. 
Having  tried  their  strength  in  some  engagements, 
such  as  the  taking  of  the  castle  of  Biandrate,  the  cities 
of  the  league  determined,  as  a  greater  safeguard 
against  any  future  invading  army,  to  build  a  strong 
city  on  the  spot  where  the  waters  of  the  Tanaro  and 
Bormida  unite,  in  such  a  position  as  to  guard  almost 
every  entrauce  into  Lombardy.  This  city  rose  with 
astonishing  rapidity,  and  many  flocked  to  it,  so  that  in 
a  short  time  it  numbered  15,000  inhabitants.  The 
aim  of  its  foundation  was  sufficiently  marked  by  the 
name  of  Alessandria,  which  it  received  in  honour  of 

\ 


The  Battle  of  Legnano.  8i 

Alexander  III.  This  Pope  never  ceased  to  encourage 
the  confederates,  assisted  by  the  Lombard  clergy,  who 
were  headed  by  Galdinus,  the  archbishop  of  Milan,  a 
sworn  enemy  of  the  Emperor  and  the  antipope.  Thus 
while  the  League  grew  stronger,  everything  else  in 
Italy  was  also  going  against  the  Empire.  Pisa  and 
Genoa,  always  suspicious  of  each  other,  and  often  in 
open  conflict,  attended  far  more  to  their  own  than  to 
the  imperial  interests.  Nay,  Genoa,  without  actually 
joining  the  League,  regarded  it  with  favour,  and  even 
helped  it  with  money,  while  both  the  republics,  each 
on  its  own  account,  had  entered  into  friendly  negotia- 
tions with  the  King  of  Sicily,  although  as  yet  without 
result.  William  II.,  for  his  part,  also  sent  assistance 
and  money,  and  the  Emperor  Manuel  Comnenus  did 
the  same,  notwithstanding:  the  fresh  discords  which 
had  arisen  between  the  courts  of  Palermo  and  Byzan- 
tium, in  consequence  of  which  Sicily  drew  closer  to 
Venice,  who  was  jealous  of  Manuel's  influence  in  Ancona, 
and  of  the  power  which  that  influence  gave  him  in 
the  Adriatic. 

Meantime  the  Pope  was  attending  to  his  own  in- 
terests by  making  much  of  Prance,  and  being  very 
prudent,  even  yielding,  with  England,  until  the  murder 
of  Becket  assured  him  an  advantage  over  Henry  II. 
With  Manuel,  still  ambitious  of  the  Western  crown,  he 
was  extremely  courteous,  without  however  compromis- 
ing himself  or  giving  way  in  anything,  although  the 
Emperor  to  ingratiate  himself  with  Eome  had  given  a 
niece  of  his  in  marriage  to  one  of  the  Frangipane.  Most 
of  all  the  Pope  trusted  in  Sicily  and  in  the  Lombards, 
and  leant  on  these  last  as  on  his  surest  support.  It  was 
c.  II.  f 


82       The  Popes  axd  the  IIohenstaufen. 

in  Rome  that  Alexander's  authority  was  weakest,  and  for 
some  years  he  did  not  reside  there,  but  alternated  between 
Benevento  and  some  cities  of  the  Campagna,  and  for  a 
long  time  lived  at  Tusculum,  partly  to  be  near  Rome, 
and  partly  to  preserve  that  unlucky  town  from  the  rage 
of  the  Romans,  always  intent  on  its  destruction.  Neither 
was  the  life  of  the  antipope,  Paschal  III.,  a  happier  one. 
The  dislike  or  disdain  of  the  Romans  kept  him  shut 
off  behind  the  right  bank  of  the  Tiber,  but  for  a  short 
time  only,  for  on  the  20th  of  September  1 168  he  died. 
His  partisans  chose  for  his  successor  the  abbot,  John 
of  Struma,  who  took  the  name  of  Calixtus  III. ;  but  the 
schism  was  exhausted,  and  he  was  a  mere  phantom 
rival  to  Alexander.  This  latter,  though  hardly  master 
of  his  temporal  possessions,  had  acquired  on  the  other 
hand  a  most  extensive  authority  as  the  henceforth 
undisputed  spiritual  head  of  the  universal  Church. 

Neither  did  this  fact  escape  Barbarossa,  whose  intui- 
tion regarding  things  and  men  was  very  clear,  even 
when  he  over-estimated  his  own  strength.  On  his 
return  from  Italy  in  1  168,  he  had  found  Germany  in 
a  troubled  state,  and  had  applied  himself  immediately 
with  his  usual  energy  to  restore  order  in  the  kingdom. 
The  principal  promoters  of  intestine  war  and  feudal 
rebellion  had  been  the  two  most  powerful  men  in  Ger- 
many, the  Saxon  Henry  the  Lion  and  the  northern  Mar- 
grave, Albert  the  Bear,  who  were  at  mortal  enmity. 
Frederick  did  all  he  could  to  pacify  them,  though 
inclined  to  favour  Henry  on  account  of  old  friendship, 
and  because  he  hoped  to  be  supported  by  him  in  his 
plans.  But,  notwithstanding  this  hope,  he  felt  the 
need  of  strengthening  and  providing  for  himself  and 


The.  Battle  of  Legnano.  83 

his  house  against  the  overweening  power  of  the  prin- 
cipal barons.  Hence,  in  April  1 1 69,  he  obtained  the 
election  of  his  son  Henry  as  King  of  the  Romans,  and 
had  him  crowned  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  in  August  by  the 
new  archbishop,  Philip  of  Cologne.  To  bis  brother 
Conrad  he  gave  the  Palatinate  of  the  Rhine,  and  re- 
covered for  his  family  the  duchy  of  Suabia,  left  vacant 
by  the  death  of  Frederick  of  Rotenburg,  whose  allodial 
possessions  he  also  added  to  his  own.  He  provided  for 
his  other  son,  and,  profiting  by  the  hesitation  of  Henry 
the  Lion,  who  aspired  to  the  succession  but  was  un- 
willing to  pay  for  it,  he  bought  at  a  high  price  from 
the  prodigal  old  Duke  Guelph  VI.,  who  had  no  direct 
heirs,  the  right  of  succession  to  his  fiefs  of  Tuscauy 
and  Bavaria.  This  act  increased  considerably  his  power 
both  in  Italy  and  Germany,  but  occasioned  him  also 
the  enmity  of  the  Saxon  Henry. 

While  thus  securing  the  power  of  his  house  and 
kingdom,  Frederick  did  not  forget  Italv  nor  the  eccle- 

CD  *  O  «/ 

siastical  problem,  which  became  daily  more  serious. 
The  protection  which  he  could  extend  to  the  antipope, 
Calixtus  III.,  was  insufficient  even  in  Germany,  where, 
at  least  secretly,  the  conscience  of  the  clergy  was  with 
Alexander.  For  a  moment  Frederick  hoped  to  re- 
kindle the  schism  by  gaining  over  Henry  II.  of  Eng- 
land, but  the  attempt  failed,  and  he  was  forced  to  be 
cautious,  for  fear  of  forfeiting  the  consent  of  the  barons 
at  the  Diet  of  Bamberg  to  the  election  of  his  son  as 
King  of  the  Romans.  He  wisely  thought  of  sending 
an  embassy  to  Alexander  III.,  which,  without  making 
any  concessions,  should  raise  hopes  in  Germany  of  a 
conciliation  with  the  Church,  and  at  the  same  time 


$4       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

arouse  the  suspicions  of  the  Lombards  and  the  Sicilian 
king  against  the  Pope.  He  chose  as  messenger  the 
Bishop  Eberhard  of  Bamberg,  a  man  much  esteemed 
for  the  wise  moderation  shown  by  him  throughout  this 
controversy.  The  bishop  reached  Italy  with  the  power 
of  concluding  peace  according  to  his  instructions,  but 
under  the  obligation  of  not  revealing  these  instructions 
to  any  one  but  the  Pontiff  himself.  The  Pope,  fore- 
seeing this,  and  perceiving  that  the  Emperor's  object 
was  to  sow  dissensions  between  him  and  the  League, 
had  already  told  the  Lombards  that  he  should  con- 
clude nothing  without  them,  and  had  invited  them  to 
depute  some  trusty  citizens  to  be  present  at  his  inter- 
view with  the  bishop.  Eberhard  saw  the  Pope  at 
Veroli,  and  insisted  on  unfolding  to  him  alone  the 
conditions  of  his  mission.  These  conditions  were  in 
reality  deceptive.  The  Emperor  demanded  that  the 
Pope  and  his  cardinals  should  recognise  the  election  of 
his  son  Henry,  and  accept  as  legitimate  the  schis- 
matic bishops,  while  he,  for  his  part,  would  recognise 
Alexander's  ordinations ;  but  as  to  Alexander  him- 
self, he  expressed  himself  vaguely,  nor  did  he  state 
whether  he  would  or  would  not  recognise  him  as  lawful 
Pope.  In  the  presence  of  the  cardinals  and  the  Lom- 
bards Alexander  gave  his  answer.  He  told  Eberhard 
he  wondered  at  his  simplicity  in  accepting  a  mission 
from  one  so  crafty.  To  recognise  his  ordinations,  and 
then  not  to  recognise  him,  Alexander,  as  Pope,  was 
like  worshipping  God  in  part  and  in  part  denying 
Him.  His  cause  had  by  this  time  been  judged  by 
the  whole  of  God's  Church,  and  by  every  other  king 
and  prince.    If  Frederick  wished  to  re-enter  the  Catho- 


The  Battle  of  Legnano.  85 

lie  fold,  let  him  bow  his  head  before  the  Prince  of 
the  Apostles.  For  his  part,  he  was  ready  to  do  him 
honour  above  every  other  prince  on  earth,  if  he  would 
only  show  filial  affection  and  maintain  the  liberty 
of  the  Eoman  Church,  which  had  raised  him  to  the 
Empire.  Thus  the  good  bishop  met  with  no  success, 
and  leaving  Yeroli  with  a  Lombard  escort,  returned  to 
the  Emperor. 

The  Emperor,  meanwhile,  having  got  the  princes  to 
elect  his  son,  declared  roundly  that  he  would  not  ac- 
knowledge Alexander,  and  countenanced  the  antipope, 
while  preparing  for  another  Italian  expedition.  Having 
fiiiled  in  separating  the  Lombards  from  the  Pope  and 
King  of  Sicily,  there  was  no  choice  but  to  conquer  by 
force  of  arms,  and  this  without  delay,  as  the  League 
was  now  paramount  in  Italy,  and  even  his  faithful 
Pavia  had  been  obliged  to  give  in  and  join  it.  Since 
he  could  not  leave  Germany  at  once,  he  sent  in  1 1 7  2 
an  army  corps  under  Christian  of  Buch,  archbishop  of 
Mentz,  to  engage  in  political  or  martial  action  as  oc- 
casion demanded,  and  to  serve  as  a  warning  to  the  pre- 
sumptuous Italians.  The  warlike  archbishop  tried  to 
strengthen  Genoa's  friendly  feelings  towards  the  Em- 
peror, and  to  gain  him  here  and  there  the  goodwill  of 
Tuscany,  then  proceeded  to  lay  fresh  siege  to  Ancona, 
with  the  assistance  of  ships  from  Venice,  who  neglected 
the  interests  of  the  League  out  of  jealousy  towards 
Constantinople.  Ancona,  though  enclosed  by  land  and 
sea,  held  out  stoutly  for  six  months,  and  then  being 
succoured  by  her  allies,  obliged  her  enemies  to  raise 
the  siegfe  and  retire. 

At  length   Barbarossa  crossed  the  Alps.      He  had 


86       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

with  him  some  princes  and  bishops,  but  far  fewer  than 
on  the  former  occasion,  and  Henry  the  Lion  was  not 
anions  them.  Mindful  of  the  affront  suffered,  Frede- 
rick  went  to  Susa  and  destroyed  it ;  then  descending 
through  Piedmont,  moved  towards  Lombardy.  On  his 
way  he  stopped  before  Asti,  which  surrendered.  The 
Marquis  of  Montferrat,  the  towns  of  Alba,  Acqui, 
Pavia,  and  Como,  the  Count  of  Biandrate,  encouraged 
by  his  presence,  deserted  the  League  and  joined  him 
again.  Frederick  marched  against  the  new  town  of 
Alessandria.  Built  in  opposition  to  him,  named  after 
his  greatest  enemy,  that  city  represented  to  him  an 
injury  and  an  insult.      It  must  be  destroyed. 

He  began  the  siege,  but  the  Lombards  were  inured 
to  war,  and  were  resolved  to  open  with  a  glorious  page 
the  history  of  the  city.      On  the  first   assaults  being 
repulsed,    his   determination    to    conquer    grew   more 
obstinate,    and   he    drew   in   his    forces   more   closely. 
Alessandria   resisted   firmly.       To   increase   the    diffi- 
culties   of   the    siege,  there    followed    a    very   severe 
winter,  and  while  the  army  suffered  great  hardships, 
the  confederates  were  collecting  their  forces  in  order 
to  fall  upon  the  Emperor  and  crush  him.      To  divide 
them,  Barbarossa    sent   Christian    of   Buch    into    the 
Bolognese  territory,  while  he  redoubled  his  efforts  to 
take   Alessandria;    but   these   failed   to    conquer   the 
tenacity  of  its  defenders.      When  the  April  of  1 1 7  5 
had  arrived,  he  heard  that  the  allies  were  about  to 
attack   him,   and   he   tried   to    surprise   the   town    by 
means  of  a  mine  ;  but  it  was  discovered,  and  he  was 
repulsed  with  heavy  loss.       He   was   forced   then   to 
abandon    the    enterprise,    and    he    advanced    rapidly 


The  Battle  of  Legnano.  Sy 

against  the  army  of  the  League.  The  two  armies 
encamped  at  three  miles'  distance  from  each  other,  in 
the  territory  of  Pavia,  between  Casteggio  and  Voghera, 
and  a  battle  seemed  imminent,  when  suddenly  Frede- 
rick and  the  allies  began  to  treat  for  peace ;  but  it  is 
not  well  known  who  first  proposed  it.  At  any  rate, 
it  was  in  Barbarossa's  interest  to  try  to  gain  time,  and 
not  to  risk  for  his  exhausted  army  an  encounter  with 
the  Lombards.  A  truce  was  concluded,  and  they 
began  seriously  to  discuss  terms,  while,  on  Frederick's 
invitation,  three  cardinals  joined  them  to  try  whether 
peace  could  also  be  made  with  the  Church.  The  nego- 
tiations lasted  some  months,  and  ended  in  nothing, 
so  that  unable,  perhaps  not  yet  caring,  to  come  to  an 
understanding,  both  sides  again  had  recourse  to  arms. 
The  year  1 1 7  5  passed  in  unimportant  encounters,  for 
Frederick  stood  on  the  defensive,  in  expectation  of 
reinforcements  from  Germany,  where,  however,  things 
were  not  going  much  to  his  mind.  At  last,  in  the 
spring  of  1 176,  these  reinforcements  arrived,  but  with- 
out that  one  of  his  bai'ons  whom  he  most  desired. 
Frederick  had  already  betaken  himself  vainly  to  Chia- 
venna  for  an  interview  with  Henry  the  Lion,  to  im- 
plore him  to  join  once  more  the  Italian  expedition. 
He  gained  nothing  by  it  but  excuses,  a  cold  refusal, 
and  the  regret  of  feeling  that  he  was  losing  an  old 
friend,  and  leaving  behind  him  an  ungrateful  kinsman 
ready  to  turn  into  a  rebel. 

Frederick,  who  had  gone  to  meet  the  reinforcements, 
having  added  them  to  the  troops  from  Como,  marched 
towards  Pavia  to  join  the  rest  of  his  army ;  but  the 
Lombards,  hearing  of  this,  advanced  rapidly  to  bar  the 


83        The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

way.  They  met  near  Legnano  on  the  29th  of  May 
1 176,  and  a  battle  ensued.  At  first  the  Germans  had 
the  advantage,  and  their  cavalry  charge  threw  the  Lom- 
bards into  disorder,  but  nothing  could  break  down  the 
determined  resistance  of  those  who  guarded  the  Carroccio, 
and  this  handful  of  heroes  saved  the  waverinsr  fortunes 
of  the  battle.  The  half-routed  troops  reformed,  and  made 
a  ferocious  onslaught  on  the  Germans,  who  gave  way. 
In  vain  Frederick,  rushing  into  the  thickest  of  the 
fray,  urged  on  his  soldiers  with  his  own  example.  His 
horse  was  killed,  and  he  was  lost  sight  of  in  the  con- 
fused mass  of  combatants  ;  the  rout  was  complete,  and 
terrible  the  slaughter.  "  Glorious  has  been  our  tri- 
umph," wrote  the  Milanese  to  Bologna,  "  infinite  the 
number  of  the  killed  among  the  enemy,  the  drowned, 
the  prisoners.  We  have  in  our  hands  the  shield,  banner, 
cross,  and  lance  of  the  Emperor,  and  we  found  silver 
and  gold  in  his  coffers,  and  booty  of  inestimable  value  ; 
but  we  do  not  consider  these  things  ours,  but  the 
common  property  of  the  Pope  and  the  Italians.  In 
the  fight  Duke  Berthold  was  taken,  as  also  a  nephew 
of  the  Empress  and  a  brother  of  the  archbishop  of 
Cologne  ;  the  other  captives  are  innumerable,  and  they 
are  all  in  custody  at  Milan." 

Having  retired  to  Pavia  with  the  remnant  of  his 
defeated  army,  Frederick  Barbarossa  felt  that  the  time 
had  come  to  change  his  policy.  His  mind  had  been 
inclining  towards  this  for  some  time,  and  the  unwill- 
ing steps  he  had  already  made  towards  a  conciliation 
show  that  this  feeling  had  already  made  itself  heard 
in  his  counsels,  but  had  not  as  yet  prevailed.  Now  a 
decision  must  be  come   to.      Four  times  he  had  led 


The  Peace  of  Venice.  89 

ai'mies  into  Italy  and  the  Italians  were  still  uncon- 
quered.  In  spite  of  the  greatest  efforts,  it  would  be 
difficult-to  beat  them,  and  in  the  long  struggle  defeats 
had  always  been  serious,  while  the  effects  of  success 
were  transitory.  The  German  barons  wished  for  peace 
with  the  Church,  were  tired  and  suspicious  of  Italian 
expeditions,  and  in  the  meantime  dark  and  threaten- 
ing clouds  were  lowering  in  Germany,  owing  chiefly  to 
the  ambitious  designs  of  Henry  the  Lion.  The  Pope, 
universally  recognised  and  influential,  was  in  a  posi- 
tion to  raise  obstacles  for  him  in  Europe,  and  the 
imperial  crown  on  the  head  of  an  excommunicated 
man  lost  much  of  its  fascination  and  of  the  hallowed 
ideal  of  the  Empire.  He  had  experienced  the  enmity 
of  Sicily  without  having  ever  succeeded  in  carrying  his 
arms  into  her  territory.  Constantinople  could  cause 
him  trouble  if  not  danger.  He  had  not  a  single  ally. 
In  such  a  state  of  things,  it  was  better  to  conclude  an 
honourable  peace  instead  of  holding  out  for  the  mere 
gratification  of  his  pride,  reserving  his  strength  for 
other  needs  and  his  intellect  for  more  successful  paths 
by  which  to  attain  his  object. 

After  considerable  reflection  Frederick  condescended 
to  speak  of  peace.  First  of  all  he  had  recourse  to  the 
Pope,  convinced  that,  if  he  could  come  to  terms  with 
him,  he  would  be  in  a  better  position  to  treat  with  the 
Lombards  and  the  King  of  Sicily.  Therefore,  in  October 
1 176,  he  sent  to  Anagni  the  archbishops  Wichmann 
of  Magdeburg,  Christian  of  Mentz,  Conrad  the  elected 
bishop  of  Worms,  and  the  protonotary  Wortwin,  with 
full  powers  to  offer  and  conclude  peace.  The  Pope 
received  them  honourably,  and  after  listening  to  their 


90       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

message,  answered  that  ho  desired  nothing  more  fer- 
vently than  peace  ;  but  that  it  must  be  extended  also 
to  his  allies,  and  more  especially  to  the  King  of  Sicily, 
the  Lombards,  and  the  Emperor  of  Constantinople. 
To  this  the  ambassadors  agreed,  but  asked  that  the 
negotiations  might  be  carried  on  in  secret,  so  as  not 
to  divulge  them  till  they  were  concluded  ;  "  for,"  they 
added,  "  we  know  well  that  both  on  our  side  aud  on 
yours  there  are  some  who  hate  peace  and  encourage 
discord." 

This  was  done,  and  a  minute  and  careful  discussion 
followed,  lasting  for  a  good  fortnight  owing  to  the  many 
questions  which  arose  between  Church  and  Empire,  and 
to  the  many  powerful  personages  involved  in  the  schism, 
whose  interests  had  to  be  taken  into  consideration. 
At  last  the  general  conditions  of  peace  were  agreed 
to.  In  them  Frederick  recognised  Alexander  III.  as 
Pope,  restored  to  the  Church  whatever  possessions  he 
had  taken  away  and  the  right  to  appoint  the  prefect 
of  Rome  ;  he  also  promised  to  every  ecclesiastic  the 
restitution  of  all  that  the  schism  had  deprived  him  of. 
The  Empress  and  King  Henry  also  recognised  the 
Pope,  and  undertook  the  same  obligations  as  the  Em- 
peror. This  latter  and  King  Henry  were  to  enter 
into  a  fifteen  years'  peace  with  the  King  of  Sicily,  and 
were  also  to  make  peace  with  the  Emperor  of  Con- 
stantinople and  the  other  allies  of  the  Pope.  Christian 
of  Mentz  and  Philip  of  Cologne  were  to  be  confirmed 
in  their  sees,  notwithstanding  the  schismatic  origin  of 
their  nomination,  but  provision  would  be  made  for  the 
lawful  archbishop  of  Mentz,  Conrad  of  Wittelsbach,  by 
appointing  him  to  the  first  vacant  archbishopric  in  Ger- 


The  Peace  of  Venice.  91 

many.  The  antipope,  Calixtus,  should  have  an  abbey, 
and  other  ecclesiastics  were  variously  provided  for. 
For  his  part,  the  Pope  recognised  Beatrice,  Frederick's 
wife,  as  Empress,  and  their  son  Henry  as  King  of  the 
Romans,  and  promised  to  crown  them  either  in  person 
or  by  deputy.  He  made  peace  with  the  Emperor, 
undertook  to  promulgate  it  in  a  council,  and  to  have 
it  confirmed  by  many  nobles  belonging  to  Rome  and 
the  Campagna,  while  the  Emperor  and  his  son  pro- 
mised  to  keep  the  peace  for  fifteen  years  with  the 
King  of  Sicily  and  a  truce  of  six  years  with  the 
Lombards. 

Such  were  the  headings  of  this  convention  of  Anagni. 
Moreover,  as,  in  order  to  conclude  a  definite  peace,  the 
presence  also  of  the  Lombards  and  of  the  Emperor 
himself  was  necessary,  the  Pope  promised  to  betake 
himself  with  his  cardinals  near  Lombardy.  Bologna 
was  chosen  as  the  seat  of  the  congress.  On  the  9th  of 
March  1 178,  Alexander  embarked  on  board  Sicilian 
galleys  at  Yasto  on  the  Adriatic,  accompanied  by  his 
cardinals  and  the  Sicilian  plenipotentiaries,  Roger,  Count 
of  Andria,  high  constable  of  the  kingdom,  and  Romuald 
archbishop  of  Salerno,  who  has  left  us  a  very  remarkable 
account  of  these  events.  After  some  days  Alexander 
landed  at  Venice,  and  was  received  with  great  pomp  by 
Doge  and  people.  The  Emperor,  who  was  near  Cesena  in 
Romagna,  sent  then  to  beg  the  Pope  to  agree  to  change 
the  seat  of  the  congress.  Now  that  the  conditions  of 
peace  were  settled  with  the  Pope,  he  wanted  to  sepa- 
rate him  as  much  as  possible  from  the  Lombards,  in 
order  to  treat  with  them  better,  and  he  mistrusted 
Bologna,  the  firm  and  faithful  ally  of  the  League.    The 


92       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

Pope,  however,  replied  that  he  could  decide  nothing 
without  the  consent  of  the  Lombards,  and,  in  order 
to  communicate  more  easily  with  them,  he  moved  to 
Ferrara. 

There  the  delegates  of  the  League  met  the  Pope 
and  the  delegates  of  Sicily  and  of  the  Emperor.  The 
Pope  made  a  speech  to  the  Lombards,  magnifying  the 
victories  of  the  Papacy  over  the  Empire,  and  declaring 
that  it  was  not  the  work  of  man,  but  a  miracle  of  God, 
that  an  old  unarmed  priest  should  have  been  able  to 
resist  the  fury  of  the  Germans,  and,  without  striking 
a  blow,  subdue  the  power  of  the  Emperor.  But,  he 
added,  though  the  Emperor  had  offered  peace  to  him 
and  the  King  of  Sicily,  he  had  declined  to  conclude 
it  without  them,  and  on  this  account  had  engaged  in 
this  fatiguing  and  perilous  journey. 

The  Lombards  replied  rather  ironically,  for  the 
treaty  of  Anagni  had  made  them  suspect  that  the 
Pope  meant  to  neglect  their  interests  for  those  of  the 
Church.  They  thanked  him  for  having  condescended 
to  come.  The  persecution  of  the  Church  by  the  Em- 
peror was  well  known  to  them  not  by  hearsay  only, 
but  by  personal  experience  of  its  severity.  They  were 
the  first  to  sustain  the  imperial  fury  and  attack,  and 
had  opposed  with  their  bodies  and  arms  the  destruc- 
tion of  Italy  and  of  the  Church's  liberty.  For  the 
honour  and  safety  of  the  Church,  and  in  spite  of  end- 
less losses  and  dangers,  they  had  never  listened  to  or 
received  the  Emperor  and  his  schismatics,  so  that  it 
was  merely  just  that  he,  the  Pontiff,  not  only  should 
not  agree  to  peace  with  the  Emperor  without  them, 
tut  should  not  even  listen  to  the  proposal  of  it.     They 


The  Peace  of  Venice.  93 

Lad  acted  thus  repeatedly.  As  to  the  discomforts  and 
dangers  which  the  Pope  had  incurred  on  his  journey, 
how  much  greater  had  been  their  dangers  and  discom- 
forts in  comparison.  Nevertheless  they  also  were  anxious 
for  a  peace  which  would  not  touch  the  honour  of  Italy 
or  their  own  liberty,  and  they  were  ready  to  yield  to 
the  Emperor  his  ancient  rights,  though  determined 
rather  to  die  gloriously  as  freemen  than  to  drag  on  a 
miserable  life  in  servitude.  They  were  glad  to  hear 
that  the  King  of  Sicily  had  also  agreed  to  peace. 

When  the  various  mediators  had  been  chosen,  and 
before  they  could  even  begin  to  discuss  the  different 
articles,  the  question  as  to  where  the  discussion  should 
take  place  blazed  up  afresh,  for  the  imperialists  would  not 
have  Boloo-na,  while  the  Lombards  mistrusted  Venice. 
A.t  length  Venice  was  chosen,  on  condition  that  the 
Emperor  should  swear  not  to  enter  the  city  without 
the  Pope's  consent.  The  disputes  were  interminable, 
minute,  and  often  bitter.  The  claims  of  the  imperialists 
were  considerable,  as  was  also  the  tenacity  of  the  Lom- 
bards ;  one  side  wanted  to  save  as  much  as  they  could 
of  the  privileges  pi'oclaimed  at  Roncaglia,  the  other 
insisted  on  maintaining  their  liberty  intact,  and  on 
yielding  to  the  Empire  nothing  beyond  the  rights  con- 
ceded to  Lothair  and  Conrad  III.  Peace  with  the 
Lombards  ceased  to  be  thought  of,  and  instead  a  truce 
for  six  years  was  proposed  as  preliminary  to  a  definite 
peace.  The  Emperor  from  a  distance  raised  difficulties. 
In  order  to  expedite  matters,  he  was  allowed  to  approach 
as  near  as  Chioggia,  but  thence,  by  exciting  a  rising  in 
the  popular  party  at  Venice,  Frederick  tried  to  force 
the  Doge  to  let  him  enter  the  city  before  the  negotia- 


94       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

tions  were  concluded.  The  suspicions  of  the  Lombards 
were  aroused,  and  they  left  the  town  in  anger  and 
retired  to  Treviso.  The  Pope  was  in  a  great  strait,  the 
conclusion  of  peace  was  again  in  danger,  but  it  was 
rescued  by  the  prompt  energy  of  the  Sicilian  delegates. 
Perceiving  that  the  Doge  was  wavering  for  fear  of  the 
popular  party,  they  made  with  great  ostentation  their 
preparations  for  departure,  had  their  galleys  got  ready, 
and  then  reproaching  the  Doge  with  not  having  kept 
faith,  they  threatened  to  leave,  and  declared  that  their 
king  would  have  his  revenge.  The  threat  was  serious, 
for  it  meant  that  the  many  Venetians  in  the  kingdom 
of  Sicily  would  be  probably  imprisoned  and  their  goods 
confiscated.  The  popular  party  lost  ground  through 
the  fears  of  the  rest  of  the  town,  and  the  Doge  was 
enabled  to  resist.  When  the  Sicilian  delegates  were 
convinced  that  the  Emperor  would  not  be  allowed  to 
enter,  they  let  themselves  be  persuaded  to  remain. 

After  this  the  negotiations  proceeded  more  rapidly ; 
the  peace  with  the  Pope  was  concluded  the  23d  of  July 
1 1 77,  and  a  truce  of  fifteen  years  with  Sicily  and  of  six 
with  the  Lombards.  The  oath  was  made  in  the  name 
of  the  Emperor,  and  immediately  the  Pope  commanded 
that  the  Venetian  galleys  should  go  to  Chioggia  for 
Frederick,  and  bring  him  to  St.  Niccolo  del  Lido,  where 
he  was  absolved  from  the  ban  of  excommunication  by 
several  cardinals,  while  the  schismatic  prelates  abjured 
their  errors.  Then  on  the  24th  of  July  the  Doge,  ac- 
companied by  the  patriarch  of  Aquileia,  went  to  the 
Lido,  and  conducted  the  Emperor  from  Venice  in  his 
own  barge.  There,  in  front  of  St.  Mark's,  amidst  a 
deeply  moved  crowd,  the  two  champions   met  after  an 


The  Peace  of  Venice.  95 

indefatigable  struggle  of  eighteen  years  for  an  ideal 
supremacy  of  the  power  intrusted  to  them  by  God.  The 
moment  was  full  of  solemnity.  The  Emperor,  overcome 
by  feelings  of  reverence  a/t  the  sight  of  this  venerable 
old  man,  threw  aside  his  imperial  mantle  and  prostrated 
himself  before  him,  but  the  Pope,  in  tears,  raised  and 
kissed  him,  and  leading  him  into  the  church,  gave  him 
his  benediction.  The  next  day  the  Pope  said  mass  in 
St.  Mark's,  in  presence  of  the  Emperor,  who,  on  their 
leaving  the  church,  held  the  stirrup  and  offered  to 
conduct  the  palfrey ;  but  the  Pope  regarding  this 
homage  as  granted,  dispensed  him  from  accompanying 
him  to  his  bar^e. 

On  the  1st  of  August  the  Emperor  went  to  the 
Pope's  residence,  and  there  the  peace  was  solemnly 
ratified  between  the  Empire  and  the  Church,  and  the 
truce  with  Sicily  and  the  Lombards.  The  long 
struggle  was  finally  ended,  and  in  a  council  held  by 
the  Pope  in  St.  Mark's  an  anathema  was  pronounced 
against  every  and  any  one  who  should  try  to  disturb 
the  peace  now  concluded.  Meanwhile  in  another 
interview  which  the  Sicilian  delegates  had  with  the 
Emperor,  Romuald  of  Salerno,  while  confirming  the 
pacific  intentions  of  his  sovereign,  suggested  that  an 
alliance  between  the  kingdom  of  Sicily  and  the  Empire 
would  be  opportune  in  the  interest  especially  of  the 
Crusades.  The  Emperor  received  the  suggestion 
favourably,  and  during  all  their  stay  in  Venice  he 
showed  particular  courtesy  to  the  Sicilians.  Perhaps 
already  his  active  mind  was  beginning  to  form  new 
plans  with  regard  to  Southern  Italy. 

After   settling    some    minor   points,   among    others 


g6       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

that  concerning  the  archbishopric  of  Salzburg,  given 
to  Conrad  of  Wittelsbach  in  return  for  renouncing  the 
see  of  Mentz,  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope  separated 
about  the  middle  of  September.  The  first,  after  some 
stay  in  Central  Italy  and  Lorubardy,  recrossed  the 
Alps  towards  the  end  of  llJJ.  Alexander  returned 
first  to  Anagni,  and  then  decided  to  betake  himself 
to  Rome.  The  Romans  received  with  great  enthusiasm 
the  successful  Pontiff,  who  after  so  many  storms  had 
at  last  steered  into  port  the  bark  of  the  Church,  but 
this  enthusiasm  was  of  short  duration.  The  temporal 
power  of  the  Pope  was  opposed  to  the  independence 
of  the  municipality,  and  no  real  harmony  between  them 
was  possible.  By  the  treaty  of  Anagni  the  right  of 
investing  the  urban  prefect  had  been  again  secured 
to  the  Pope ;  but  the  present  one,  refusing  to  pay 
homage,  retired  to  Viterbo,  and  with  the  assistance  of 
the  Romans  continued  to  countenance  the  antipope, 
who  still  held  out.  The  archbishop  of  Mentz,  left  in 
Italy  by  Barbarossa,  tried  in  vain  to  reduce  him  and 
the  Romans  to  obedience.  Alexander,  thanks  to 
his  prudence,  was  more  successful ;  by  temporising  he 
induced  the  prefect  to  do  him  homage,  so  that  the 
antipope,  deprived  of  every  support,  came  a  sup- 
pliant to  him  at  Tusculum.  Alexander  received  him 
affectionately  and  provided  generously  for  his  future. 
Another  antipope,  raised  up  by  the  barons  of  the  Cam- 
pagna,  lingered  for  a  few  months  with  the  name  of 
Innocent,  but  was  taken  prisoner  and  shut  up  in  the 
abbey  of  Cava. 

After  so  prolonged  a  schism  and  so  tangled  a  chain 
of  events,  it  seemed  desirable  to  provide  for  the  fellow- 


Death  of  Alexander  III.  97 

ship  of  souls  and  the  peace  of  the  Church.  A  general 
council,  called  bv  Alexander,  met  in  the  Lateran,  with 
a  great  concourse  of  bishops  and  prelates  from  all 
quarters.  The  ordinances  of  the  antipopes  were  an- 
nulled, and  anions:  the  canons  sanctioned  was  one 
regarding  the  election  of  the  Popes,  calculated  to 
diminish,  if  not  remove,  the  possibility  of  future  schism, 
by  establishing  that  two-thirds  of  the  votes  should 
suffice  for  a  valid  election,  and  where  even  two-thirds 
could  not  agree,  then  a  simple  majority  should  be 
enough.  And  this  council  was  the  last  striking  event 
in  the  long  pontificate  of  Alexander  III.,  whose  life 
closed  two  years  later  at  Civita  Castellana.  He  was 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  Popes  in  history,  though 
his  genius  was  not  so  lofty  as  that  of  Gregory  VII. , 
who  a  century  before  had  in  great  part  prepared  the 
way  for  him.  For  twenty-two  years  he  guided  the 
Church  amid  a  thousand  storms,  and  in  an  age  of 
exceptional  difficulty.  In  the  ever-renewed  struggle 
between  priesthood  and  Empire,  he  had  for  his  oppo- 
nent an  emperor  of  powerful  genius  and  position,  whom 
he  overcame.  Elected  with  difficulty  against  the  wish 
of  influential  adversaries,  under  the  cloud  of  bitter 
schisms  which  for  a  long  time  held  all  Europe  in 
doubt,  he  never  hesitated  nor  gave  way  in  a  single 
point.  As  tenacious  as  Hadrian  IV.  in  all  concerning 
the  great  interests  of  the  Church,  but  more  yielding 
in  minor  matters,  he  was  sometimes  taxed  with  this 
pliancy,  especially  by  the  partisans  of  Thomas  Becket, 
and  at  the  time  of  the  peace  of  Venice  by  the  Lombards  ; 
but  this  reproach  was  not  free  from  unfairness.  An 
exile  from  the  dav  that  he  assumed  the  tiara,  living 

C.  II.  G 


98        The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

in  exile  the  greater  part  of  his  pontificate,  he  never- 
theless witnessed  the  triumph  of  the  Church.  Amidst 
the  thousand  details  and  daily  expedients  of  an  ardu- 
ous policy,  he  never  lost  sight  of  the  ideal  which 
inspired  him — the  supremacy  of  the  Church — just  as 
his  greatest  adversary  was  animated  by  a  different 
ideal,  and  found  in  it  the  source  of  his  strength. 
This  champion  of  the  Church,  and  the  champion  of 
the  Empire  who  stood  against  him,  suggest  to  the 
student  of  historv,  as  he  muses  on  their  destinies,  that 
there  only  where  the  flame  of  a  high  ideal  glows  in  the 
hearts  of  men  can  we  hope  to  find  the  traces  of  true 
greatness. 


(    99    ) 


CHAPTER    VII. 
(1181-1198.) 

LAST  YEARS  OF  FREDERICK  I.  — THE  EMPEROR 
HENRY  VLAND  THE  PAPACY— THE  CONQUEST 
OF  SICILY. 

Alexander's  successor  found  a  question  still  open  be- 
tween the  Church  and  the  Empire,  that  of  the  inherit- 
ance of  the  Countess  Matilda,  which  had  been  left 
unsettled  at  Venice.  To  avoid  its  becoming  a  fresh 
cause  of  discord,  the  new  Pope,  Lucius  III.,  had  the 
delicate  task  of  keeping  watch  over  it,  while  other 
difficulties  met  him  on  the  threshold  of  his  pontificate. 
The  Romans  especially  troubled  his  peace  with  their 
municipal  government  and  desires  for  an  independent 
political  life,  which  found  a  continual  hindrance  in  the 
Papacy",  and  were  also  a  continual  hindrance  to  it. 
Lucius  only  remained  a  few  months  in  Rome.  He 
soon  retired  to  Velletri,  and  lived  for  some  years  here 
and  there  in  the  Campagna,  always  on  bad  terms  with 
the  Romans,  who  never  ceased  to  threaten  Tusculum, 
to  which  Papal  protection  offered  still  some  sort  of 
defence.  Lucius  even  resorted  for  assistance  for  Tus- 
culum to  Christian  of  Mentz,  whose  dreaded  name  and 
fierce  soldiery  held  the  Romans  at  a  respectful  distance 


ioo      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufex. 

for  some  time;  but  the  wavlike  archbishop  fell  a  victim 
to  the  Oampagna  fever,  and  died  (August  25,  1183), 
assisted  and  blessed  by  the  Pope,  whose  champion  he 
had  become  after  having  fought  against  the  Church 
for  so  many  years. 

The  Romans  growing  more  daring,  the  harassed 
Pope  Avcnt  into  exile  at  Verona.  He  went  there  with 
the  wish  to  draw  back  to  the  Church  the  Lombards, 
who  were  seriously  estranged,  and  to  treat  personally 
with  Frederick  regarding  those  matters  still  pending 
with  the  Empire.  After  the  peace  of  Venice  Frederick 
had  turned  all  his  attention  to  German  affairs,  which 
were  again  disturbed,  and  had  carried  on  a  fierce  and 
successful  war  against  Henry  the  Lion,  who  had  openly 
rebelled.  In  the  November  of  1 1 8  I ,  at  Erfurt,  the 
vanquished  Henry  prostrated  himself  at  Frederick's 
feet,  and  then  went  for  some  years  as  an  exile  to 
England,  to  the  court  of  his  father-in-law,  Henry  II. 
Meanwhile  a  definite  peace  was  in  treaty  between 
Frederick  and  the  Lombards.  By  this  time  Frederick 
had  realised  what  a  power  of  resistance  those  repub- 
licans possessed,  how  dangerous  was  their  enmity, 
whereas  their  friendship  might  be  useful.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Lombards,  irritated  by  the  Pope  at 
Venice,  seeing  Sicily  at  peace  with  Frederick,  and 
having  no  hope  of  help  from  Constantinople,  had  no 
longer  any  grounds  for  fighting,  if  they  could  secure 
their  liberties.  This  being  the  feeling  on  both  sides, 
peace  was  treated  first  at  Piacenza,  and  then  con- 
cluded at  Constance,  in  a  large  meeting  held  there  the 
25th  of  June  I  183.  The  conditions  were  fair.  To 
the  Empire  was  left  unquestioned  its  high  and  some- 


Last  Years  of  Frederick  I.  ior 

what  ideal  sovereignty,  and  its  ancient  rights  were 
recognised,  but  were  so  limited  as  not  to  interfere 
with  the  freedom  of  the  republics,  or  with  their  de- 
velopment. In  accordance  with  the  claims  of  the 
Lombards  before  the  battle  of  Legnano,  these  rights 
became  again  what  they  were  in  the  time  of  Henry 
V.  The  cities  were  allowed  to  have  their  own  consuls 
and  podcsta,  who  should  administer  justice  according 
to  their  laws ;  they  could  also  raise  new  taxes  without 
the  Emperor's  being  able  to  prevent  them,  though 
there  would  be  a  right  of  appeal  to  him  ;  they  were 
to  enjoy  all  their  ancient  customs.  The  Emperor 
would  not  require  money  from  the  allies  who  could 
maintain  fortified  towns  and  castles,  but  with  special 
conditions  regarding  Crema  and  Cremona.  The  right 
of  maintaining  the  League  was  untouched,  even  if  neces- 
sary of  renewing  it  against  the  Emperor,  and  untouched 
also  the  right  of  remaining  united  to  the  Church  ;  all 
offences  were  mutually  forgiven,  prisoners  exchanged, 
bans,  confiscations,  and  all  other  penalties  annulled, 
and  the  city  of  Alessandria  was  respected,  but  its  name 
changed  to  Cesarea.  Thus  did  the  imperial  claims  put 
forward  at  Roncaglia  vanish  at  Constance,  and  such 
was  the  amicable  conclusion  to  this  obstinate  struggle 
between  a  proud  prince,  jealous  of  his  rights,  and  a 
people  determined  to  resist  tyranny.  At  length  a  real 
peace  reigned  between  Frederick  and  the  Lombards  of 
the  League. 

With  the  German  rebellion  subdued  and  Italy  at 
peace,  Frederick  Barbarossa  could  enjoy  the  proud 
satisfaction  of  having  done  great  things  during  his 
reign,  and  of  having  raised  the  Empire,  through  good 


102      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufex. 

fortunes  and  through  had,  to  a  height  not  reached  for 
ages.  To  celebrate  the  termination  of  so  many  vicissi- 
tudes,  Frederick  commanded  a  great  festival  to  be  held 
at  Mentz  for  the  Pentecost  of  1184.  From  all  sides 
princes  and  commons  flocked  to  it,  and  as  the  greatest 
ever  held  before  in  Germany,  it  remained  celebrated  in 
the  Minnesangers'  songs  and  in  popular  legends.  There, 
in  a  tournament,  in  which  the  Emperor  himself  gave 
proofs  of  his  old  skill  in  arms,  his  son,  the  young  king 
Henry  VI.,  won  his  spurs,  and  henceforth  we  find  him 
taking  an  active  part  in  the  historical  drama.  After 
this,  Frederick  returned  to  Italy  without  an  army,  sure 
this  time  of  a  cordial  reception  from  the  Lombards. 
He  wanted  to  come  to  a  clear  understanding  with 
them,  and  obtain  from  the  Pope  during  his  lifetime  the 
imperial  crown  for  his  son  Henry.  But  in  their  meet- 
ing at  Verona  Pope  and  Emperor  soon  felt  that  the 
causes  of  discord  had  not  been  all  removed  at  Venice, 
and  that  new  ones  might  spring  up  easily.  The  Em- 
peror insisted  that  the  Pope  should  confirm  the  orders 
already  conferred  by  the  schismatic  bishops,  but  the 
Pope,  after  brief  hesitation,  said  he  could  not  make 
this  concession  without  a  council,  which,  however,  he 
promised  to  convoke  shortly  at  Lyons.  This  refusal 
displeased  Frederick,  and  rendered  it  a  delicate  matter 
to  treat  concerning  the  possessions  of  the  Countess 
Matilda,  with  respect  to  which,  moreover,  neither  of 
the  two  sides  seemed  disposed  to  yield,  the  one  insist- 
ing on  the  inherent  right  of  succession  of  the  Emperor, 
and  the  other  maintaining  that  derived  from  the  famous 
donation  made  by  Matilda.  Thus  the  question  dragged 
on  without  coming  nearer  to  a  conclusion,  and  in  the 


Last  Years  of  Frederick  I.  103 

meantime  Frederick  held  these  possessions  and  had  no 
intention  of  giving  them  up.  A  third  ground  of  dis- 
cord came  from  the  archbishopric  of  Trier,  where,  in 
1 183,  a  double  election  had  occurred,  and  while  the 
Pope  favoured  Folmar,  one  of  the  two  elected,  the 
Emperor  supported  the  other.  Finally,  Frederick  per- 
sistently demanded  the  imperial  crown  for  Henry,  but 
Lucius  was  decided  in  his  refusal,  alleging  that  the 
co-existence  of  two  emperors  was  incompatible  with 
the  very  nature  of  the  Empire,  and  that  Frederick 
must  needs  first  resign  the  crown  if  he  wished  to  place 
it  on  his  son's  head.  Things  were  in  this  insecure  state 
when,  on  the  24th  of  November  1 1  85,  Lucius  III.  died 
at  Verona.  Lambert  Crivelli,  archbishop  of  Milan, 
immediately  succeeded  him  under  the  name  of  Urban 
III.  He  had  no  love  for  Frederick,  and  was  a  haughty 
and  energetic  man,  from  whom  little  concession  was  to 
be  expected. 

Meanwhile  the  Emperor,  seeing  how  little  he  could 
hope  for  lasting  peace  with  the  Popes,  had  turned  his 
attention  to  undermining  and  isolating  them.  On 
that  account  he  flattered  the  Lombards,  and  especially 
reconciled  himself  so  far  with  the  Milanese  as  to  allow 
Crema  to  rise  again  from  her  ruins  and  unite  with 
thorn  against  Cremona.  Nor  was  this  all ;  for  he 
secretly  was  labouring  towards  the  accomplishment  of 
a  greater  plan.  There  was  no  longer  any  hope  that 
"William  II.  of  Sicily  would  have  offspring ;  and  since 
the  constitution  of  the  kingdom  did  not  exclude  women 
from  the  throne,  Constance,  daughter  of  Roger  and 
aunt  of  William,  might  be  considered  the  heir-pre- 
sumptive.     Frederick  asked  the  hand  of  this  princess 


104      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

for  his  son  Henry,  and  the  marriage  was  concluded 
rapidly,  notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  of  the  Pope,  on 
whom  the  unexpected  news  fell  like  a  thunderbolt. 
In  spite  of  a  strong  party,  which  foresaw  and  opposed 
in  this  alliance  the  ruin  of  Norman  rule  in  Sicily,  the 
barons  of  the  realm  swore  to  recognise  Constance  and 
her  husband  as  William  II. 's  heirs.  In  this  way 
Frederick  at  last  reached  Sicily,  surrounded  the  Papal 
territory,  and,  by  enlarging  the  borders  of  the  Empire, 
was  approaching  the  Bosphorus.  In  great  pomp  the 
bride  crossed  Italy  and  reached  Milan,  where  the  mar- 
riage was  celebrated.  Constance  was  thirty-one,  eight 
years  older  than  her  husband,  and  apparently  of  a 
very  different  disposition ;  but  nothing  else  was  con- 
sidered but  the  high  political  value  of  the  alliance, 
which  was  concluded  with  great  pomp  and  splendour. 
Frederick  wished  that  his  son  should  then  assume  the 
iron  crown,  and  that  Constance  also  should  be  crowned 
as  queen.  It  belonged  to  Urban,  who  had  reserved 
for  himself  the  see  of  Milan,  to  crown  the  new  kin"- 
of  Italy ;  but  he  refused,  and  Frederick,  without  hesi- 
tation, had  his  son  crowned  by  the  patriarch  of  Aqui- 
leia  and  the  queen  by  another  bishop.  The  wrath  of 
the  Pontiff  at  this  imperial  indifference  found  vent  in 
the  excommunication  of  the  bishops  who  had  taken 
part  in  the  ceremony ;  and  shortly  afterwards,  cutting 
short  the  controversy  still  pending,  he  made  Folmar  a 
cardinal  and  consecrated  him  bishop  of  Trier. 

Pope  and  Emperor  were  again  at  open  war.  Urban, 
by  blaming  seriously  the  conduct  of  the  Emperor,  tried 
with  some  success  to  win  over  the  principal  German 
prelates,   so  that  Frederick  thought  it  prudent  to  re- 


Last  Years  of  Frederick  I.  105 

medy  this  evil  by  returning-  to  Germany,  leaving  his 
son  behind  him  to  keep  the  Pope  in  check.  Henry 
proved  himself  no  timid  follower  of  his  father,  and 
not  only  by  holding  out  firmly  with  regard  to  the 
Countess  Matilda's  possessions  and  other  controverted 
matters,  but  in  many  other  partial  acts  showed  a 
resolution  bordering  on  arrogance  and  tending  to  des- 
potism. It  is  said  that  he  commanded  his  servants 
to  roll  in  the  mud  one  bishop  who  had  dared  to  de- 
clare to  his  face  that  he  held  his  investiture  from 
the  Pope.  By  occupying  Tuscia  and  introducing  his 
troops  into  the  Church  territory,  he  prevented  any  com- 
munication between  Rome  and  the  Pope  at  Verona, 
against  whom  he  also  closed  the  passes  of  the  Alps. 
And  so  determined  was  he  to  isolate  the  Pope,  that 
once,  on  the  arrest  of  a  messenger  who  was  carrying 
money  to  Urban,  he  had  his  nose  cut  off,  and  without 
ceremony  appropriated  the  money. 

Frederick  in  the  meantime  had  assembled  the  Ger- 
man bishops,  and  by  expounding  the  causes  of  the 
new  disagreement  won  over  to  his  side  all  except 
Philip,  archbishop  of  Cologne,  who  frankly  declared 
to  him  that  he  considered  him  in  the  wrong.  The 
bishops  wrote  to  the  Pope  recommending  moderation. 
The  Pope,  grieved  by  their  unexpected  desertion,  wrote 
to  the  Emperor  justifying  himself,  and  making  fresh 
complaints  against  him  and  against  Henry's  violent 
(  onduct.  The  situation  became  embittered,  and  Urban 
was  preparing  to  excommunicate  Frederick,  when  he 
died  at  Ferrara  on  the  20th  of  October  11 87.  It 
would  have  been  difficult  even  for  the  most  concilia- 
tory successor  of  Urban  to  have  avoided  a  conflict  with 


106      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

the  Empire  ;  but  a  terrible  piece  of  news  averted  the 
storm,  by  directing  elsewhere  the  thoughts  and  fears 
of  Christendom.  Jerusalem  had  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  Saladin,  and  the  Holy  Sepulchre  was  again  polluted 
by  Mussulman  hordes. 

The  news  filled  with  consternation  the  whole  of 
Europe,  accustomed  for  a  century  to  look  towards 
Jerusalem  as  the  ideal  goal  of  all  her  aspirations. 
The  sleeping  echoes  of  Peter  the  Hermit's  and  St. 
Bernard's  words  seemed  to  reawaken,  and  the  old  cry 
calling  on  Christians  to  take  up  the  cross  was  again 
heard.  Gregory  VIII.  (Urban's  successor),  during 
his  two  months'  pontificate,  and  after  him  Clement 
III.,  showed  themselves  peacefully  disposed  towards 
the  Empire,  and  concentrated  all  their  efforts  in  draw- 
ing people  and  princes  to  the  crusade.  They  were 
fairly  successful.  While  the  kings  of  France  and 
England  took  the  cross,  Pope  and  Emperor  were 
trying  to  clear  away  the  misunderstandings  existing 
between  them.  For  a  moment  the  inheritance  of 
Matilda  seemed  forgotten,  and  the  question  of  Trier 
took  a  turn  satisfactory  to  the  Emperor.  Henry, 
recognised  now  as  Emperor-elect,  whose  coronation 
would  take  place  some  day,  had  relaxed  his  rigour  and 
raised  tkv,  kind  of  blockade  endured  by  Urban  III. 
Thus  Gregory  VIII.  had  been  able  to  betake  himself 
to  Pisa,  to  reconcile  the  Pisans  and  Genoese  in  order 
that  their  ships  might  act  in  concert  for  the  recovery 
of  the  Holy  Land ;  and  Clement  III.,  as  soon  as 
elected,  feeling  perhaps  the  necessity  of  again  putting 
foot  in  Rome,  had  come  to  terms  with  the  Roman 
republic  by  implicitly  recognising  its  rule,  and  in  the 


Last   Years  of  Frederick  I.  107 

beginning  of  1 1 8  8  had  re-entered  the  city.  The 
principal  condition  of  this  agreement  with  the  Roman 
people  was  the  destruction  of  Tusculum,  in  which  the 
Pope  had  to  concur. 

As  pontifical  legate  for  declaring  the  crusade  in 
France  and  Germany  went  the  cardinal  Henry  of 
Albano,  who  at  Mentz  had  a  colloquy  with  Frederick, 
and  while  on  the  one  side  he  tried  to  give  an  ami- 
cable termination  to  the  controversies  arisen  during  the 
stormy  pontificate  of  Urban,  he  forwarded,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  interests  of  the  great  undertaking  he  had  to 
proclaim.  Frederick,  with  his  chivalrous  spirit  and 
his  thirst  for  glory,  could  not  remain  indifferent  when 
from  every  breast  came  the  cry  for  rescue,  and  the 
flower  of  European  knighthood  on  the  point  of  start- 
ing for  Jerusalem  were  awaiting  their  leader.  The 
Empire  had  now  reached  that  summit  of  glory  of 
which  Frederick  had  dreamed  when  the  crown  was 
placed  on  his  head  amidst  the  triumphant  shouts  of 
his  Germans  and  the  clashing  arms  of  the  infuriated 
and  rebellious  Romans.  The  destinies  of  his  house 
were  assured,  and  were  not  likely  to  fail  in  the  reso- 
lute grasp  of  his  son  Henry.  For  thirty  years,  amid 
endless  anxieties,  dangers,  and  fatigues,  the  glory 
of  his  name  had  spread  from  the  remote  north  to 
the  prosperous  south,  and  the  reign  of  Frederick  in 
strength  of  arms  and  power  of  law  perhaps  equalled — ■ 

ta inly  was  not  far  from  equalling — the  reigns  of 
Charlemagne  and  Otto.  In  Europe,  his  work  was 
accomplished,  but  there  remained  for  him  elsewhere 
an  enterprise  such  as  no  other  Emperor  had  under- 
taken,   and    which    might   crown    his   life's    work   by 


10S      The  Popes  and  the  Hoiienstaufen. 

raising  it  to  a  point  of  glory  never  reached  before. 
Neither  Charlemagne  nor  Otto  at  the  end  of  their 
career  had  had  the  opportunity  or  the  power  to  free 
the  sepulchre  of  Christ  from  the  pollution  of  the  in- 
fidel hordes,  but  to  him,  the  favourite  of  fortune,  the 
opportunity  was  offered  and  he  felt  himself  equal  to 
seizing  it. 

From  the  hands  of  the  cardinal  Henry  Frederick 
took  the  cross,  and  doubtless  in  that  hour  there  re- 
turned to  his  mind  memories  of  the  time  when,  about 
forty  years  before,  he,  a  youth,  had  received  the  cross 
from  St.  Bernard,  and  had  gone  to  meet  his  first 
dangers  and  win  his  first  laurels.  Before  starting  he 
showed  his  experience  in  war  and  statescraft  by  prepar- 
ing everything  for  the  expedition  with  great  care,  and  by 
putting  the  affairs  of  the  Empire  in  order,  reconciling 
dissensions  between  various  German  princes,  making 
peace  with  the  archbishop  of  Cologne,  and  sending 
Henry  the  Lion  away  from  Germany  for  three  years 
in  the  hope  of  avoiding  disturbances.  At  Regens- 
burg  in  the  spring  of  I  189  the  fine  and  powerful 
army  of  crusaders  collected,  and  Frederick,  taking  the 
command,  marched  towards  the  East,  accompanied  by 
his  son  Frederick,  Duke  of  Suabia. 

There  remained  behind  in  Europe  King  Henry  VI, 
whose  hand  thenceforth  held  the  reins  of  government 
in  Germany  and  Italy.  Henry  inherited  from  his 
father  a  tenacious  disposition  and  an  unlimited  ambi- 
tion. More  cultivated  than  his  father  and  with  many 
statesmanlike  qualities,  he  did  not  equal  him  in  his 
military  genius  nor  in  that  fertility  of  expedients 
which    was    one   of  Frederick's    greatest   gifts.      Like 


Last  Years  of  Frederick  I.  109 

his  father,  he  was  violent,  but  he  was  more  cruel,  and 
had  none  of  those  generous  instincts  and  of  that  idea- 
lity of  mind  -which  from  his  youth  had  gained  for 
Frederick  the  admiration  even  of  his  enemies.  Frede- 
rick, a  man  of  real  greatness,  identified  himself  with 
the  abstract  idea  of  the  Empire,  and  fusing  it  with  his 
own  personal  ambition,  fondly  exaggerated  its  power. 
Henry,  on  the  contrary,  made  use  of  this  idea  for  his 
personal  grandeur,  for  which  he  specially  laboured  with 
ly  unscrupulous  ambition,  with  untiring  ardour, 
and  unflinching  persistence. 

Hardly  was  Frederick  gone  when  countless  occa- 
sions for  trying  his  strength  presented  themselves  to 
the  young  King  of  the  Romans.  Henry  the  Lion  had 
quickly  availed  himself  of  the  Emperor's  absence  to 
return  to  Germany,  where  he  regained  a  part  of  his 
states  by  force  or  by  the  aid  of  revolts.  At  that 
moment  William  the  Good  died  at  Palermo,  and  Henry 
XI.  and  his  wife  Constance  found  themselves  heirs  to  the 
kingdom  of  Sicily.  It  was  necessary  to  return  in  all 
haste  to  Italy  to  take  possession  of  that  kingdom  be- 
fore the  latent  disaffection  among  the  barons  should 
break  out  openly  and  increase  the  hindrances  to  a 
change  of  dynasty.  Therefore,  after  adopting  wise 
and  vigorous  measures  to  reduce  Henry  the  Lion  to 
1 1  Tins,  the  young  king  applied  himself  to  preparing  an 
Italian,  expedition,  but  was  not  in  time  to  prevent  the 
difficulties  which  arose  in  Sicily.  There  the  people, 
grown  attached  to  the  Norman  dynasty  of  the  Haute- 
ville,  did  not  like  the  idea  of  being  subject  to  a  new 
foreigner,  and  this  also  displeased  many  barons,  who 
foresaw  a  loss  of  influence  consequent  on  that  which 


no      The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstaufen. 

would  bo  gained  by  the  Germans  whom  Henry  would 
bring  with  him.  Party  feeling  increased,  and  the 
Pope,  alarmed  at  the  idea  of  being  enclosed  in  a  sort 
of  cage  between  the  power  of  Henry  to  south  as  well 
as  north,  encouraged  the  opposition,  which  grew  and 
spread  so  rapidly  that  in  the  January  of  1190,  with- 
out any  regard  for  the  hereditary  rights  of  Constance, 
a  new  king,  also  of  the  blood  of  the  Hauteville,  was 
elected,  namely.  Tancred,  Count  of  Lecce,  the  illegiti- 
mate son  of  a  brother  of  Constance.  After  a  brief 
hesitation  Tancred  took  the  crown  at  Palermo,  and  the 
Pope  immediately  gave  him  the  investiture  of  the 
kingdom. 

By  this  act  the  Pope  placed  his  relations  with 
Henry  VI.  on  a  very  difficult  footing,  but  they  were 
both  interested  in  not  coming  to  an  open  rupture,  and 
dissimulated  mutually  their  latent  and  hostile  sus- 
picions. Having  patched  up  matters  with  Henry  the 
Lion,  the  king  now  found  himself  otherwise  entangled 
in  Germany,  and  had  to  try  not  to  add  ecclesiastical 
difficulties  to  the  many  opposing  him  both  there  and 
in  Italy,  whither  he  wished  to  proceed  without  delay. 
Then  suddenly  came  an  announcement  which  spread 
like  wildfire  through  the  whole  of  Europe,  and  in- 
creased Henry's  need  for  caution  in  his  dealings  with 
the  Pope.  The  great  Frederick  Barbarossa,  the  glorious 
Emperor,  was  dead.  Far,  far  away  in  distant  Asia,  after 
overcoming  vast  difficulties  and  perils  innumerable,  he 
was  drowned  in  a  river  in  Seleucia  on  the  1  oth  of  June 
I  I  89,  while  leading  on  his  army  through  those  dreary 
wastes  amidst  enemies  constantly  repulsed  and  as  con- 
stantly swarming  anew  to  the  attack.      Such  was  his 


Dea  th  of  Frederick  I.  in 

end,  and  his  country  saw  him  no  more,  while  his  bones 
lie  in  an  unknown  spot  beside  those  of  his  son  Frederick 
of  Suabia  in  the  desert  sands  of  Antioch.  But  the  love 
of  Germany,  breathing  in  fantastic  legends,  planted 
her  hero's  resting-place  high  aloft  in  the  Thuringian 
cliffs,  and  there  she  would  have  him  lie  bound  in 
magic  slumber  to  await  the  call  that  should  arouse  him 
to  lead  her  armies  anew  to  victory. 

The  death  of  Frederick  rendered  it  more  urgent  for 
his  successor  to  betake  himself  to  Italy  and  to  avoid 
unpleasantness  with  the  Pope,  from  whom  he  had  now 
to  ask  the  imperial  crown.  In  the  November  of  1 190, 
Henry  crossed  the  Alps  and  began  to  treat  with  the 
Romans  and  the  Pope  for  the  coronation,  while  he 
sought  by  flattery  and  promises  to  secure  the  co- 
operation of  Pisa  and  Genoa  for  the  conquest  of 
Xaples  and  Sicily.  There  the  new  king,  Tancred, 
was  meeting  with  many  difficulties.  Party  feeling 
had  flared  up.  A  strong  nucleus  of  barons,  urged  on 
by  AY  alter  Offamil,  the  archbishop  of  Palermo,  had 
taken  up  arms  in  favour  of  Constance  and  Henry. 
Tancred  had,  therefore,  been  obliged  to  fight  against 
this  revolt  as  also  against  the  troops  sent  into  tin- 
kingdom  by  Henry  YI.  while  still  in  Germany. 
Moreover,  the  King  of  France,  Philip  Augustus,  and 
the  English  Richard  the  Lion-hearted  had  caused  him 
serious  embarrassments  when  they  touched  at  Sicily 
on  their  way  to  the  crusades. 

Clement  III.  dreaded  Henry's  coining  to  Rome, 
where  the  young  king  was  winning  over  the  Romans 
by  asking  from  them  as  much  as  from  him  the  crown 
of  the  Empire,  recognising  a  claim  of  theirs  which  his 


ii2      The  Popes  and  the  TIohenstaufex. 

father  had  always  proudly  denied.  Henry  was  con- 
forming to  the  needs  of  the  moment.  The  Roni;m 
republic  was  now  so  strong  that  the  Pope  was  weak 
before  it,  and  in  his  heart  he  was  hostile  to  Henry, 
who  nattered  the  Romans  in  order  to  wrest  from  him 
a  speedy  consent  to  the  coronation.  The  Pope  had 
neither  means  nor  pretext  for  resistance,  and  the 
ceremony  was  fixed  for  the  Easter  of  1 191,  when,  a 
few  weeks  before,  Clement  died,  and  on  his  successor, 
Celestine  III.,  devolved  the  ungrateful  duty  of  the 
coronation.  While  Henry  was  advancing,  the  Romans, 
seizing  the  favourable  occasion,  offered  to  overcome 
the  Pope's  hesitation  on  condition  that  Henry  would 
hand  over  to  the  Pope,  and  the  Pope  to  them,  Tuscu- 
lum,  which  was  still  standing.  The  cruel  bargain 
was  struck,  and  Tusculum.  was  sacrificed  to  the  brutal 
hatred  of  Rome.  The  coronation  of  Frederick  I.  had 
cost  the  life  of  Arnold  of  Brescia,  and  now  Tuscu- 
lum paid  with  the  blood  of  her  defenceless  citizens 
the  price  of  Henry's  crown.  On  the  14th  of  April 
1 191,  while  the  German  sovereign  was  at  the  gates, 
Celestine  III.  was  himself  ordained  Pope,  and  the 
following  day  he  placed  the  imperial  crown  on 
the  heads  of  Henry  and  Constance, — a  sinister  be- 
ginning to  the  feeble  pontificate  of  the  aged  Celes- 
tine, forced  to  crown  an  Emperor  who  was  advanc- 
ing towards  an  enterprise  involving  the  Papacy  in 
danger,  and  to  abandon  to  the  ferocity  of  a  people 
whom  the  Popes  could  no  longer  restrain  an  unfor- 
tunate city  which  they  had  not  been  able  to  pro- 
tect. Perhaps  this  very  feebleness  is  the  reason 
why  the  relations  between  Church  and  Empire  offer 


Henry  VI.  113 


so   little    interest   during   the    lives  of   Celestine  and 
Henry. 

Immediately  after  his  coronation,  Henry,  turning 
a  deaf  ear  to  the  Pope's  entreaties,  started  on  the 
expedition  for  Naples,  accompanied  by  the  Empress 
as  heiress  of  the  realm.  The  first  moves  were  for- 
tunate, in  spite  of  the  valour  of  the  Count  of  Acerra, 
Tancred*s  brother-in-law,  who  encountered  the  impe- 
rial army.  Tailored,  instead  of  advancing  against 
his  enemies,  was  occupied  in  celebrating  with  feasts 
and  rejoicings  the  marriage  of  Irene,  daughter  of  the 
Emperor  of  Constantinople,  to  his  eldest  son,  Roger, 
to  whom  on  that  occasion  he  gave  the  title  of  king. 
Not  so  had  the  first  Normans  conquered  and  held  the 
kingdom  ;  nor  was  it  so  that  he  could  hope  to  repulse 
his  resolute  antagonist,  who,  rapidly  reaching  Naples, 
found  the  city  determined  on  resistance,  and  began  a 


siege. 


This  siege  for  the  time  was  unlucky  for  Henry. 
While  the  promised  assistance  of  Pisan  and  Genoese 
ships  was  delayed,  and  the  city,  free  on  her  seaboard, 
was  being  abundantly  victualled,  the  imperial  army 
was  in  want  of  everything.  Summer  coming  on, 
there  were  added  to  this  extreme  need  and  to  the 
attacks  of  the  besieged  also  epidemic  fevers,  which 
consumed  the  Germans  terribly.  He  reiterated  his 
entreaties  and  promises  to  Pisa  and  Genoa,  in  hopes 
of  hastening  them,  promising,  among  other  things, 
to  the  Genoese  the  possession  of  Syracuse  as  soon 
as  Sicily  was  in  his  power.  Pisans  and  Genoese 
arrived,  but  too  late,  and  being  held  at  bay  by  the 
strong  Sicilian  fleet  under  the  admiral  Margarito, 
C.  H.  H 


ii4      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

were  powerless  to  help.  Meanwhile  sickness  was 
raging  among  the  imperial  troops.  Conrad  of -Bohe- 
mia arid  the  archbishop  of  Cologne  succumbed  to 
fever,  and  the  Emperor  himself  fell  ill.  There  was 
no  alternative  but  to  raise  the  siege  and  retire 
(August  24,  1 191).  Tancred  could  easily  have  cut 
off  Henry's  retreat  and  exterminated  him,  but  he 
remained  inactive  at  Messina,  and  the  opportunity 
was  lost. 

The  Empress  Constance  had,  however,  become  his 
prisoner.  The  people  of  Salerno,  after  first  receiving 
her  with  great  honour,  when  they  saw  Henry's  cause 
in  danger,  stopped  her  and  sent  her  as  a  valuable 
hostage  to  Palermo.  Tancred  entertained  his  noble 
prisoner  with  great  courtesy,  and  consigned  her  to  the 
affectionate  care  of  his  wife,  Sibilla,  who  was  later  to 
be  ill  repaid  for  her  kindness.  Henry,  meanwhile, 
after  placing  a  garrison  here  and  there,  left  the  king- 
dom, went  first  to  Genoa,  where  he  solemnly  renewed 
his  promise  of  concessions  in  return  for  their  promise 
of  assistance,  and  then  entered  Lombardy,  where  he 
remained  till  towards  the  end  of  the  year.  There  all 
the  old  discords  were  breaking  out  afresh  among  the 
cities,  nor  did  the  presence  of  the  Emperor  serve  to 
soothe  them  ;  indeed,  the  favours  granted  by  him  to 
Cremona  aroused  the  wrath  of  Milan  and  other  cities, 
which  were  already  beginning  to  regard  him  as  an 
enemy.  Towards  the  end  of  the  year  he  returned  to 
Germany  to  attend  to  the  new  insurrection  of  the 
Guelph  party  led  by  Henry  the  Lion,  and  at  the 
same  time  appealed  to  the  Pope  to  obtain  the  Em- 
press's freedom.     The  Pope,  who  shortly  before  had 


Henry  VI.  115 

placed  the  monastery  of  Monte  Cassino  under  an  in- 
terdict on  account  of  its  fidelity  to  the  Emperor,  now, 
with  a  weak  and  vacillating  policy,  listened  to  Henry's 
appeal,  and  sent  a  cardinal  to  Palermo.  The  un- 
wary Tancred  liberated  Constance,  and  sent  her  back 
without  ransom  and  enriched  with  precious  gifts. 
Neither  Tancred  nor  the  Pope  obtained  what  they 
hoped  for  by  their  compliance,  and  neither  Henry 
nor  even  Constance  appear  to  have  been  touched  by 
it.  Henry  paid  no  attention  to  entreaties  coming 
from  Rome  for  a  reconciliation  with  Tancred,  and  in 
the  spring  of  1 192,  Roffrid,  abbot  of  Monte  Cassino, 
on  his  return  from  Germany  with  a  few  soldiers, 
put  heart  into  the  imperialists  left  behind  in  the 
kingdom,  who  were  able  to  drag  on  the  war  till  the 
return  of  the  Emperor. 

This  return  met  with  many  difficulties,  chief  among 
which  was  that  of  money  ;  but  to  Henry,  lucky  and 
unscrupulous,  a  strange  opportunity  presented  itself 
for  obtaining  money,  nor  was  he  restrained  by  the 
wickedness  of  the  means  or  the  fear  of  dishonour. 
On  his  way  home  from  Palestine,  Richard  the  Lion- 
hearted  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Leopold,  Duke 
of  Austria,  and  the  Emperor,  seizing  this  occasion, 
gained  possession  of  his  person  and  kept  him  prisoner 
in  the  castle  of  Trifels.  False  pretexts  and  accusa- 
tions against  Richard  failed  to  justify  an  act  of  such 
miscreant  ruffianism,  but  Henry  cared  little  for  that. 
Nor  did  he  attend  to  the  prayers  and  menaces  of  the 
Pope,  who  in  vain  demanded  that  the  royal  crusader 
should  be  set  at  liberty,  and  later,  by  excommuni- 
cating   Leox^old    of    Austria     and    his    accomplices, 


n6      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

included  by  implication  the  Emperor.  Richard  at 
length  regained  his  liberty  in  February  1194,  but 
at  the  price  of  that  gold  which  was  destined  to 
work  the  destruction  of  the  Norman  monarchy  in 
Sicily. 

The  war  which  Henry  now  conducted  in  Southern 
Italy  was  very  successful.  Tancred  and  his  eldest 
son,  Roger,  were  already  dead.  The  kingdom  had 
passed  to  the  boy  William,  under  the  regency  of 
Queen  Sibilla,  and  their  insecure  position  deprived 
them  of  supporters.  Henry  entered  the  realm  after 
ensuring  the  co-operation  of  Genoa  and  Pisa  by  repeat- 
ing solemn  promises  to  hand  over  to  them  all  the  prin- 
cipal maritime  cities  in  the  two  Sicilies.  He  advanced 
rapidly,  and  met  with  few  obstacles.  He  avenged 
with  ferocity  at  Salerno  the  seizure  of  Constance, 
filled  with  terror  and  slaughter  the  places  he  sus- 
pected of  fidelity  to  the  Normans,  and  made  much 
of  those  which  came  spontaneously  to  him.  In  a 
short  time  nearly  all  the  mainland  belonging  to  the 
kingdom  was  taken.  The  ships  of  Genoa  and  Pisa, 
under  the  command  of  the  great  seneschal  of  the 
Empire,  Markwald,  appeared  before  Messina,  which 
surrendered  to  Henry,  as  did  Palermo  shortly  after. 
Queen  Sibilla,  who  with  her  son  had  taken  refuge 
in  the  castle  of  Calatabellotta,  also  gave  herself  up 
imder  conditions  destined  later  to  be  broken,  and 
the  boy  William  laid  down  his  crown  at  the  feet 
of  Henry.  Towards  the  chief  barons  of  the  realm 
the  Emperor  at  that  time  showed  indulgence,  not- 
withstanding their  revolt ;  nay,  he  loaded  them  with 
honours  and  titles.      On  the  20th  of  November  1194 


Henry  VI.  117 

lie  made  a  triumphal  entry  into  Palermo,  and  was 
crowned  at  Christmas  amidst  great  rejoicings.  After 
so  many  troubles  the  people  breathed  more  freely, 
hoping  that  the  long  years  of  blood  and  suffering- 
were  over ;  but  the  respite  was  brief. 

The  day  after  the  coronation,  the  Empress,  who 
was  on  her  way  to  rejoin  Henry,  on  arriving  at 
Iesi  in  the  Marche,  on  the  26th  of  December  1194 
gave  birth  to  a  boy,  who  received  the  names  of  his 
grandfathers,  Frederick  and  Eoger.  Great  was  the 
Emperor's  delight,  and  since  everything  was  now  suc- 
ceeding with  him,  he  felt  encouraged  to  mature  still 
wider  plans  of  universal  dominion.  But  first  he 
wished  to  rid  himself  of  those  Norman  barons  to 
whom,  shortly  before,  he  had  been  lavish  of  gifts 
and  honours.  As  a  pretext  for  this,  he  made  use  of 
a  conspiracy,  real  or  pretended,  which  he  stifled  in 
blood,  and  the  chief  men  of  the  realm  either  perished 
on  the  scaffold,  or,  like  the  admiral  Margarito  and  the 
archbishop  of  Salerno,  were  left  to  die  in  dark  dun- 
geons. Tancred's  unfortunate  young  son,  after  being 
blinded  and  mutilated,  was  sent  to  Germany,  where 
also  his  sisters  and  mother  found  a  convent-prison. 
The  bodies  of  Tancred  and  his  son  Eoger  were  re- 
moved from  the  royal  tomb,  as  unworthy  of  resting 
among  the  lawful  lords  of  a  realm  they  had  usurped. 
Only  the  Greek  princess  Irene,  the  childless  widow  of 
Eoger,  found  favour  in  Henry's  eyes,  and  he  gave  her 
in  marriage  to  his  brother  Philip.  Probably  in  ally- 
ing his  family  with  that  of  Constantinople  he  was 
providing  for  those  plans  which  from  Palermo  he  was 
naturally  led  to  widen  and  enlarge. 


nS      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

Henry's  good  luck,  resolution,  and  rapidity  liad,  as 
it  were,  paralysed  the  Pontiff  in  presence  of  the  con- 
quest of  a  kingdom  to  the  suzerainty  of  which  he  also 
laid  claim.     For  some  time  Celestine  maintained  a  sort 
of  sulky  silence ;  then,  when  the  Emperor  began  to 
make  overtures,  he  sent  him  some  cardinals,  but  they 
concluded  nothing,  and  the  relations  between  them  were 
reduced  to  the  querulous  complaints  of  a  powerless  old 
man,   listened  to  with  indifference  by  the  disdainful 
young  sovereign.      Nevertheless  this  latter  avoided  an 
open  rupture.      Since  he  had  no  reason  to  fear  the 
Pope,  it  was  useless  to   drive  him  to  extremes,   the 
more  so  as  among  his  plans  were  some  for  which  papal 
co-operation  would  be  serviceable.      In  the  spring  of 
1 1 9  5  he  started  for  Germany,  stopping  on  his  way  at 
Pavia,  but  without  result,  as  the  Lombards  were  again 
unquiet,    and  many  of  them   hostile  to  the   Empire. 
At  Pavia  the  Genoese  presented  themselves  to  ask  for 
the  fulfilment  of  the  conditions  agreed  to  touching  the 
conquest   of    Sicily ;   but   Henry  repulsed   them,   and 
openly  declared  his  intention  of  not  keeping  his  pro- 
mises.     Nor  were  the  Pisans  more  fortunate,  and  the 
two  cities  saw  too  late  the  trap  into  which  the  astute 
and  disloyal  Emperor  had  enticed  them. 

On  his  return  to  Germany,  Henry  tried  to  carry  out 
his  design  of  changing  the  constitution  of  the  Empire 
and  making  it  hereditary  in  his  family.  Various  dis- 
cords which  had  troubled  Germany  during  his  absence 
were  dying  out,  and  the  great  representative  of  the 
Guelph  family,  Henry  the  Lion,  died  at  that  time. 
Everything  seemed  favourable.  The  Emperor  made 
great  efforts  to  persuade  the  German  nobility  to  accept 


Henry  VI.  119 

this  change,  alleging  the  state  of  disorder  into  which 
Germany  was  thrown  by  each  fresh  election,  and 
offering  to  modify  very  greatly  in  favour  of  their 
families  the  feudal  constitution.  He  also  tried  to 
gain  over  Celestine,  who  as  usual  vacillated,  appearing 
favourable  for  a  moment,  then  retracting  and  declaring 
himself  opposed  to  it.  And  indeed  no  Pope  could 
have  approved  of  a  change  which  would  have  deprived 
the  Church  of  every  hold  on  the  Empire,  by  destroying 
implicitly  the  political  importance  of  the  consecration 
and  coronation.  All  Henry's  efforts  were  in  vain,  and 
the  constitution  of  the  Empire  remained  unchanged. 

Henry,  when  he  saw  the  impossibility  of  this, 
changed  his  tactics  in  order  to  reach  his  end,  at  least 
in  part.  He  asked  that  his  son  Frederick,  who  was 
less  than  two  years  old  and  not  yet  baptized,  should 
be  elected  King  of  the  Romans,  and  this  was  done. 
In  the  meantime  there  was  a  movement  in  favour  of 
a  fresh  expedition  to  Palestine,  which  he  encouraged, 
organising  a  strong  band  of  crusaders,  and  hinting 
that  he  would  himself  somewhat  later  take  the  Cross. 
With  this  he  nattered  the  Pope,  diverted  the  thoughts 
of  the  Germans  from  their  dissensions,  and  made  use 
of  it  to  prepare  an  army  which  might  partly  pass 
through  his  kingdom  and  help  him  to  wipe  out  the 
last  traces  of  resistance.  The  Empress  was  then  ruling 
the  kingdom  from  Palermo,  but  it  does  not  appear 
that  she  enjoyed  Henry's  confidence,  suspicious  as  he 
was  lest  the  Norman  sympathies  natural  in  her  might 
prevail.  In  July  1196  Henry  returned  to  Italy,  and 
till  September  remained  in  Lombardy,  then  proceeded 
to   the    south,    and    stayed    some    months    at    Capua, 


120      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

where,  to  the  continual  complaints  of  the  Pope  on 
many  controversial  points,  he  replied  by  treating  with 
him  at  great  length,  but  without  ever  coming  to  any 
conclusion.  There  the  brother-in-law  of  Tancred  fell 
into  his  hands,  that  Richard,  Count  of  Acerra,  who  had 
first  raised  arms  against  him,  and  who  was  accused, 
moreover,  of  many  other  serious  offences.  Condemned 
to  death,  Richard  was  first  dragged  at  a  horse's  tail, 
then  hung  up  still  living  by  the  feet  to  a  gallows. 
Two  days  later  Henry's  jester  tied  a  stone  to  his  throat, 
and  thus  strangled,  the  victim  was  released  from  his 
horrible  sufferings. 

From  Capua  Henry  passed  over  to  Palermo.  He 
had,  in  the  meantime,  obtained  by  threats  from  the 
Emperor  of  Constantinople  a  rich  tribute  and  pro- 
mises of  forage  and  transports  for  his  crusaders. 
Thus  his  power  spread,  and  perhaps  his  secret  am- 
bition aimed  at  uniting  on  his  head  the  crowns  of 
the  two  Empires.  But  in  the  Sicilian  kingdom, 
oppressed  and  overtaxed,  the  leaven  of  discontent 
was  still  fermenting,  and  he  set  himself  to  destroy 
it.  A  fresh  conspiracy  was  discovered,  and  blood 
again  flooded  the  scaffolds,  and  new  and  horrible 
tortures  spread  terror  and  execration  till  the  end 
of  the  summer  of  1 197.  At  that  time  Henry,  while 
hunting  in  a  forest  not  far  from  Messina,  was  seized 
with  sudden  malaric  fever,  from  which  he  died  in 
a  few  days,  leaving  in  his  place  the  child  Frederick 
II.  under  the  guardianship  of  his  mother.  Thus 
the  career  of  Henry  VI.  was  unexpectedly  cut  short. 
He  had  received  from  his  father  a  great  inheritance, 
and  he  had  held  and   enlarged  it  with  the  paternal 


Henry  VI.  121 

tenacity,  but  without  a  ray  of  that  magnanimity  of 
soul,  which  shone  forth  in  Barbarossa.  He  was  as 
fortunate  as  he  was  perfidious,  and  he  died  young 
enough  not  to  see  his  luck  turn,  for  he  was  not  the 
man  to  have  commanded  good  fortune  for  the  space 
of  a  long  life.  He  had  succeeded  to  the  reins  of 
government  in  a  propitious  hour,  and  had  lived  for 
that  hour  only,  when  the  majesty  of  the  Empire  was 
at  its  height,  Germany  tired  of  her  dissensions,  the 
Lombards  sufficiently  pacified,  Sicily  torn  with  in- 
ternal discords,  the  Papacy  in  aged  and  infirm  hands. 
But  when  he  died,  the  power  of  the  Church  was 
about  to  pass  into  very  different  keeping.  On  the  8th 
of  January  1 198,  Pope  Celestine  also  died,  and  Inno- 
cent III.  was  elected  in  his  stead. 


(      122      ) 


CHAPTEE    VIII. 

(1198-1201.) 

INNOCENT  III.  GUARDIAN  OF  FREDERICK  II.,  KING 
OF  SICILY  — HIS  STRUGGLE  WITH  PHILIP  OF 
HOHENSTA  UFEN. 

^Tiie  new  Pope  ascended  the  papal  throne  with  a  great 
faith  in  the  supremacy  of  the  Papacy  over  every 
earthly  power,  and  with  a  firm  determination  to 
make  it  triumph.  I  Issuing  from  the  noble  Roman 
stock  of  the  Conti,  he  had  been  created  cardinal  very 
early  by  his  maternal  uncle,  Clement  III.,  but  during 
the  pontificate  of  Celestine,  who  was  unfriendly  to 
his  family,  he  had  remained  in  the  background,  and 
occupied  more  with  thought  and  study  than  with 
action.  A  young  man  of  thirty-seven,  he  had  a 
high  reputation  for  learning  on  jurisprudence,  ac- 
quired in  the.  jjschools  of  Paris  and  Bologna  J  his 
appearance  was  noble,  his  life  pure,  his  will  active 
and  tenacious.  He  was  of  affable  manners,  but 
prone  to  sudden  anger,  and  also  inclined  to  that 
melancholy  not  uncommon  to  thoughtful  minds, 
which  had  led  to  his  writing  a  book,  already  famous, 
on  the  contempt  of  the  world. 

The    feeble    rule    of    Celestine     and    the    resolute 


Innocent  III.  123 

policy  of  Henry  VI.  had  endangered  the  interests 
of  the  Church.  It  was  necessary  to  strengthen  them, 
and,  by  continuing  and  completing  the  Avork  of 
Gregory  VII.  and  of  Alexander  III.,  finally  place  the 
Papacy  on  the  summit  of  its  power.  To  realise 
this  vast  idea,  it  would  be  necessary  for  Innocent  to 
embrace  in  his  view  the  whole  of  Christendom ;  but 
first  of  all  he  had  to  provide  for  nearer  and  im- 
mediate needs.  The  temporal  power  of  the  Church 
was  almost  destroyed,  not  only  in  Rome,  where  the 
authority  of  the  republic  prevailed,  but  throughout 
the  Church's  patrimony,  which  Henry  had  parcelled 
out  among  the  German  barons  who  had  accompanied 
him.  But  the  edifice  built  up  by  Henry  was  already 
crumbling,  and  Innocent  soon  obtained  that  the 
prefect  of  Rome  should  receive  the  investiture  from 
him,  thus  converting  him  from  an  imperial  into  a 
papal  officer,  while,  without  interfering  with  the 
autonomy  of  the  republic  and  senate,  he  prevailed 
on  them  to  recognise  explicitly  his  sovereign  authority 
over  Rome. 

'On  the  death  of  Henry  VI.  the  latent  hatred  of ' 
the  oppressive  German  rule  broke  out  fiercely  and 
openly.^j  Philip  of  Suabia,  Henry's  brother,  had 
escaped  with  difficulty  from  the  possessions  of  Coun- 
tess Matilda,  held  by  him  under  the  title  of  Duke  of 
Tuscany,  in  order  to  return  to  Germany  and  attend 
there  to  the  interests  of  his  house.  The  provinces 
of  the  Exarchate  and  of  the  March  of  Ancona  were 
in  the  hands  of  Markwald  of  Anweilen,  the  fiercest 
of  Henry  VI. "s  tools,  and  now  head  of  the  German 
party  in  Italy,  while  the  duchy  of  Spoleto  was  held 


124      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

by  Conrad  of  Uerselingen.  Aided  by  the  hatred  of 
the  people  against  the  Germans,  Innocent  succeeded 
in  wresting  from  them  a  great  part  of  their  posses- 
sions. Conrad  of  Uerselingen,  after  having  vainly 
offered  to  hold  the  duchy  of  Spoleto  as  a  papal 
fief,  had  to  leave  it  and  return  to  Germany.  The 
Tuscan  cities,  liberated  from  the  presence  of  Philip 
of  Hohenstaufen  and  assisted  by  Innocent,  raised 
the  standard  of  municipal  freedom  and  joined  in  a 
league  among  themselves,  with  the  exception  of  the 
powerful  Pisa,  which  remained  faithful  to  the  im- 
perial cause,  and  would  not  pay  homage  to  the 
Pope.  It  was  less  easy  to  regain  the  March  of 
Ancona,  for  Markwald  made  armed  resistance ;  but 
at  last  he  also  yielded,  though  only  to  renew  the 
^struggle  on  another  field.  [Thus,  in  a  short  space 
of  time,  the  whole  of  Central  Italy  was  freed  from 
the  German  yoke,  and  a  great  part  of  it  accepted 
either  the  immediate  or  the  indirect  sovereignty  of 
the  Pontiff,  who  had  done  so  much  to  raise  and  guide 
its  movements^ 

Neither  was  the  Teutonic  domination  less  hated  in 
the  south,  but  rebellion  there  took  other  forms.  The 
Norman  Constance,  on  the  death  of  her  husband,  seized 
the  reins  of  government,  and,  with  the  support  of  the 
Norman  nobility,  deprived  the  Germans  of  all  power 
and  excluded  them  from  the  land,  while  her  child 
Frederick,  who  had  remained  in  the  Marche  since  his 
birth,  was  brought  to  her.  The  high  seneschal  Mark- 
wald, in  whose  hand  was  Henry  VI. 's  will,  in  vain 
laid  claim  to  the  tutelage  of  the  boy-king.  Hateful 
to  the  Sicilians,  and  suspected  of  coveting  the  throne 


Innocent  III.  125 

of  Sicily  for  himself,  lie  also  had  to  leave  the  island, 
and  retire  first  to  the  county  of  Molise,  and  then  pro- 
ceed to  defend  as  best  he  might  his  possessions  in 
Romagua  and  the  Marche,  which  the  people  in  revolt 
and  the  Pope  were  trying  to  tear  away  from  him. 
(Constance  in  the  meantime,  anxious  to  secure  the  ^ 
throne  for  her  son,  sought  the  support  of  Rome^  She 
turned  first  to  Celestine,  then  to  Innocent,  asking 
ao-ain  for  that  investiture  of  the  kingdom  which  the 
powerful  Henry  had  scorned.  Innocent  did  not  wish 
to  see  the  two  crowns  of  Sicily  and  the  Empire  united 
on  one  head,  so  he  temporised  prudently,  measuring 
his  concessions  according  to  the  turn  things  took  in 
Germany,  and  putting  as  first  condition  the  abrogation 
of  the  privileges  which  at  the  peace  of  Benevento  in 
1 1  5  6  Hadrian  IV.  had  been  compelled  to  concede  to 
William  I.  Constance  tried  in  vain  to  persuade  the 
Pope  to  waive  these  claims,  for  he  saw  the  strength 
of  his  position  and  persisted.  Having  obtained  what 
he  wanted,  Innocent  promised  his  protection  to  the 
Empress,  and  sent  Cardinal  Ugolino  of  Ostia  to  receive 
from  her  liege  homage  in  her  own  and  her  son's  name. 
But  soon  after,  in  JNovember  1 1 9  8 ,  Constance  died  at  •- 
Palermo.  Before  her  death,  with  a  keen  apprehension 
of  the  dangers  awaiting  her  son,  she  thought  to  defend 
him  by  appointing  Innocent  as  regent  of  Sicily  and 
her  son's  guardiamj  She  appointed  also  a  council  of 
government  which  should  maintain  order  till  the  arrival 
of  the  papal  legate,  and  to  the  very  last  she  charged 
them  to  beware  of  Markwald,  and  not  to  make  peace 
with  him.  Thus  her  short  reign  had  been  entirely  a 
reaction  against  German  influence,  and  had  been  suffi- 


126       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

cient  to  shake  it  considerably,  if  not  entirely  to  eradi- 
cate it. 

Innocent  accepted  the  guardianship  of  the  boy 
Frederick,  a  thorny  task  for  hirn,  who  had  to  watch 
over  the  interests  of  his  ward  and  those  of  the  Church, 
which  were  so  often  opposed  to  each  other.  It  was 
to  Cardinal  Cencius,  later  Pope  Honorius  III.,  that  he 
intrusted  the  duty  of  representing  him  in  Sicily  and 
of  educating  Frederick,  and  the  cardinal  immediately 
surrounded  the  boy  by  cultivated  men  calculated  to 
inspire  him  with  a  love  of  letters.  Meanwhile  the 
conditions  of  the  kingdom  were  growing  more  and 
more  complicated.  As  Constance  had  foreseen  on  her 
deathbed,  the  German  party  soon  lifted  its  head,  sup- 
ported by  the  Sicilian  Saracens,  who  were  hostile  to  the 
Pope,  and  by  the  secret  plots  of  Walter  Palear,  bishop 
of  Troia,  one  of  the  councillors  of  the  regency  and 
high  chancellor  of  the  kingdom.  This  man  had 
hoped  to  have  all  the  power  in  his  hands  during 
Frederick's  minority,  and  bitterly  resenting  the  in- 
trusion of  this  papal  authority,  he  took  to  conspiring 
secretly  against  it  and  favouring  the  spread  of  dis- 
content. Markwald,  now  dispossessed  of  the  March 
of  Ancona,  tried  to  recover  his  position  by  entering 
the  county  of  Molise,  where  were  the  remnants  of 
his  followers,  collected  an  army,  and  affirmed  anew 
his  claims  on  the  guardianship  of  Frederick  and  the 
regency  of  the  kingdom.  He  sought  to  draw  over  to 
his  side  Roffrid,  abbot  of  Monte  Cassino,  whose  monas- 
tery was  a  key  to  the  kingdom  from  its  position  and 
the  troops  of  which  it  disposed.  But  Roffrid,  who 
had  been  always  devoted  to  Henry  VI.,  divided  the 


Innocent  III.  127 

cause  of  this  son  from  that  of  Markwalcl,  and  was 
faithful  to  the  oath  of  homage  which  he  had  sworn  to 
Innocent.  Markwald  cruelly  ravaged  the  monastery's 
lands,  took  possession  of  the  town  of  San  Germano, 
and  ascending  to  the  very  gates  of  the  convent,  laid 
siege  to  it.  Not  succeeding  in  storming  it,  he  hoped 
to  conquer  it  by  thirst,  but  a  sudden  rain  falling,  as 
it  appeared  by  miracle,  on  the  day  of  St.  Maurus, 
destroyed  his  camp  and  supplied  the  besieged  with 
water.  Markwald  raised  the  siege,  and  after  getting 
money  out  the  abbot,  retired. 

The  Pope  meanwhile  was  reiterating  anathemas  and 
collecting  troops  against  him.  Markwald,  feeling  the 
urgency  of  hastening  to  Palermo  and  seizing  the  gov- 
ernment, entered  into  treaty  in  order  to  gain  time, 
and  offered  to  submit  to  the  Pope,  who,  either  because 
he  fell  into  the  trap  or  from  its  being  difficult  to  do 
otherwise,  absolved  him.  It  looked  like  a  peace,  but 
was  in  reality  only  a  truce  favourable  to  Markwald. 
This  latter  was  to  give  up  every  claim,  keep  away 
from  Sicily,  and  indemnify  Monte  Cassino  for  the 
losses  suffered ;  but  he  kept  none  of  these  promises. 
On  the  contrary,  having  secured  the  assistance  of  the 
Saracens  and  of  as  many  malcontents  as  Apulia  and 
Sicily  contained,  he  took  up  arms  again,  entered 
Salerno,  and  thence  sailed  for  the  island  in  the 
ships  of  Pisa,  which  hoped  by  joining  him  to  over- 
power Genoese  influence  in  the  kingdom.  On  the 
mainland  he  left  Diepold,  Count  of  Acerra,  to  en- 
counter such  troops  as  the  Pope  was  sure  to  send 
against  him. 

The  boy  Frederick  was  taken  for  safety  to  Messina, 


12S      The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstaufen. 

while  the  Pope  encouraged  the  people  to  hold  out, 
and  sent  a  first  expedition  of  troops  under  the  com- 
mand of  a  relative  and  accompanied  by  some  prelates. 
Meanwhile  a  Frenchman,  Count  Walter  of  Brienne,  pre- 
sented himself  to  Innocent.  He  had  married  Albina, 
a  daughter  of  King  Tancred,  and  in  her  name  claimed 
the  fiefs  of  Lecce  and  Taranto,  of  which  Henry  VI. 
had  unjustly  deprived  her  family.  She,  with  her  mother 
Sibilla,  had  accompanied  her  husband  to  Rome.  The 
Pope,  after  hesitating  a  little,  and  fearing  to  drive 
him  over  to  the  enemy,  thought  it  prudent  to  respond 
favourably  to  the  pretensions  of  this  adventurer,  and 
to  use  him  against  Markwald.  This  latter,  having 
seized  on  a  large  part  of  the  island,  went  to  attack 
Palermo  ;  but  encountering  the  Pope's  and  Frederick's 
soldiers  near  the  town,  met  with  a  serious  defeat  and 
was  obliged  to  fly,  leaving  Henry  VI. 's  will  among 
the  booty  of  the  camp.  Not  for  this,  however,  did 
he  lose  heart.  The  strength  of  his  adversaries  was 
being  frittered  away  by  difficulties  and  dissensions, 
and  he  took  advantage  of  it  to  remain  in  Sicily,  where 
he  continued  to  intrigue  and  to  raise  soldiers.  In 
this  he  succeeded.  The  high  chancellor,  Walter 
Palear,  who  had  already  been  secretly  plotting  with 
him,  now  openly  joined  him  and  recalled  him  to  the 
council  of  the  kingdom ;  but  he  soon  found  that  he 
had  raised  up  a  master,  and  was  forced  to  leave 
the  island,  while  Markwald  seemed  about  to  reach  in 
triumph  the  goal  of  his  ambition. 

Then  the  Pope  set  loose  upon  the  kingdom  Walter 
of  Brienne  with  a  handful  of  French  knights,  to 
whom  were  added  reinforcements  sent  by  the  abbot 


Innocent  III. 


129 


of  Monte  Cassino  and  the  Count  of  Celano.  Diepold 
of  Acerra  went  to  meet  Walter,  but  was  defeated  near 
Capua,  and  this  opened  up  Apulia  to  the  French- 
man. A  year  of  great  confusion  followed  in  the 
realm,  the  mainland  being  divided  between  Walter 
of  Brienne  and  Diepold,  while  Sicily  was  in  the  hands 
of  Markwald,  who  had  at  last  succeeded  in  entering 
Palermo  and  assuming  the  guardianship  of  Frederick. 
But  in  September  1202  Markwald  fell  ill  and  died,  and 
in  Apulia  Diepold  was  again  beaten  in  that  same  plain 
of  Cannae,  where  in  old  days  the  Bomans  had  suffered 
their  famous  defeat.  Innocent  was  rejoiced,  thinking 
that  he  had  now  the  advantage ;  but  in  the  ever- 
recurring  civil  discords  and  the  ambition  of  the  mag- 
nates he  met  with  endless  opposition,  nor  could  he, 
oppressed  as  he  was  by  a  thousand  different  cares, 
devote  all  his  attention  or  all  his  resources  to  a  single 
enterprise.  The  war  dragged  on,  and  Diepold  was 
able  to  surprise  Walter  of  Brienne,  who  was  killed. 
Innocent,  temporising  as  he  best  could  in  the  midst 
of  such  confusion,  managed  to  maintain  pretty  well 
the  integrity  of  the  kingdom  for  his  ward,  and  even 
partly  to  draw  over  to  himself  those  very  same  ambi- 
tious barons  who  had  formerly  tried  to  thwart  his 
plans. 

Thus,  in  a  palace  that  to  him  was  almost  a  prison, 
amid  discords,  suspicions,  and  snares,  Frederick's 
sad  childhood  had  passed  in  loveless  solitude ;  and 
now  that  he  had  reached  his  fourteenth  year,  he 
began  to  wield  the  sceptre  and  to  govern  by  him- 
self. But  the  boy-king's  hand  was  still  weak,  the 
kingdom    still    torn  by  dissensions,    his  poverty   was 

C.  H.  I 


130      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

great,  and  his  councillors  were  greedy  of  power 
and  riches,  at  variance  among  themselves  and  with- 
out affection  for  him.  Sicily  was  still  shaken  by 
rebellion  and  on  the  mainland  Conrad  of  Marley, 
another  lieutenant  of  Henry  VI.'s,  was  leading  the 
German  forces,  and  was  acting  as  master  on  his  own 
account  in  the  Abruzzi  and  the  Terra  di  Lavoro. 
Innocent  came  to  the  assistance  of  the  king,  and, 
raising  an  army,  intrusted  the  command  of  it  to  his 
brother,  Richard,  Count  of  Segni,  who  entered  the 
Terra  di  Lavoro,  and,  supported  by  the  faithful 
abbot  Roffrid  of  Monte  Cassino  and  by  the  Count  of 
Celano,  entirely  defeated  Conrad  and  destroyed  the 
influence  of  the  German  barons  in  that  district.  In- 
nocent then  resolved  upon  going  in  person  to  rein- 
force the  royal  authority.  In  Rome,  after  a  troubled 
period  of  conflict  and  agitation,  people's  minds  had 
calmed  down,  so  that  Innocent  could  leave  the  city, 
and  passing  through  Anagni  and  Ceprauo,  entered  the 
kingdom  on  the  2  1st  of  June  1208.  Received  with 
great  honour  by  all,  his  presence  was  admirably 
calculated  to  restore  order  and  heal  the  unhappy 
condition  of  the  kingdom,  an  undertaking  rendered 
easier  now  that  the  great  German  feudal  lords  were 
succeeded  by  the  Count  of  Celano  and  the  Pope's 
brother  Richard  as  Frederick's  chief  lieutenants. 
Upon  this  latter  Frederick  bestowed  as  a  reward  the 
fief  of  Sora. 

Innocent  was  able  to  send  some  troops  into  Sicily 
for  Frederick,  and  then  returned  to  Rome,  rejoicing 
in  his  success  and  with  his  mind  freer,  so  that  he 
could  devote  himself  to  the  many  complicated  matters 


Innocext  III.  131 

which  from  all  parts  of  the  world  came  to  him  for 
their  solution.  Nor  was  there  a  limit  to  Innocent's 
activity,  which  regarded  the  universe  as  included  in 
the  all-embracing  nature  of  the  Papacy,  wherein  his 
lofty  spirit  found  congenial  expression. 

We  have  seen  Innocent  as  guardian  of  Frederick 
II.  and  tenacious  defender  of  his  rights  to  the  throne 
of  Sicily,  rights  which  he  skilfully  combined  with 
the  prerogatives  claimed  by  the  Church  over  the 
kingdom ;  but,  in  opposition  to  all  papal  interests, 
Henry  VI.,  when  dying,  had  left  the  boy  already 
the  elected  Ivin^  of  the  Romans  and  heir  to  the 
Empire.  Innocent  having  succeeded  to  the  Papacy 
with  the  intention  of  overthrowing  the  whole  of 
Henry's  work,  was  opposed  to  such  a  succession,  and 
the  state  of  Germany  was  favourable  to  his  wishes. 
When  Philip  of  Suabia,  leaving  Tuscany  in  revolt, 
had  hurried  to  Germany  to  maintain  there  the  rights 
of  his  nephew  Frederick,  he  had  found  that  realm 
in  great  confusion.  The  Guelphs  were  straining 
every  nerve  to  wrest  the  Empire  from  the  Hohen- 
staufen,  and  the  extreme  youth  of  Frederick  II. 
favoured  them,  as  it  rendered  him  incapable  of  govern- 
ing so  disturbed  a  country.  Many  barons  refused 
to  recognise  a  child  as  their  sovereign,  and  vainly 
did  Philip  appeal  to  the  advantages  of  harmony  and 
the  rights  of  his  nephew.  The  Ghibellines  them- 
selves hesitated,  but  fearing  lest  their  adversaries 
should  prevail,  they  rallied  round  Philip  in  a  diet 
held  at  Mulhausen  in  Thuringia  and  offered  him  the 
crown.  At  first  he  declined  it,  but  seeing  that  a 
refusal    would    have    played    into  the    hands   of    the 


132      The  Popes  a.xd  the  Hohenstaufen. 

opposite  party,  ho  yielded  to  the  entreaties  of  his 
followers,  and  on  the  6th  of  March  1 198  he  was  pro- 
claimed King  of  the  Romans. 

The  Guelphs  did  not  remain  inactive.  After 
several  fruitless  endeavours  to  elect  the  dukes  Ber- 
thold  of  Zahringen  and  Bernard  of  Saxony,  they 
had  recourse  to  Otto  of  Brunswick,  second  son  of 
Henry  the  Lion  and  nephew  of  the  English  Richard, 
who  loved  him  and  had  given  him  fiefs  in  his  own 
state.  His  eldest  brother  being  in  Palestine,  Otto 
might  regard  himself  as  head  of  the  Guelph  family 
in  Europe ;  he  had  the  alliance  and  support  of  the 
English  king,  was  young,  strong,  and  daring  in  arms, 
contrasting  in  this  favourably  with  Philip  of  Suabia, 
less  robust  and  warlike,  but  his  superior  in  mental 
culture  and  in  refinement  of  manners.  Provided  by 
Richard  with  plenty  of  mouey,  he  returned  to  Ger- 
many with  a  large  band  of  followers,  and  on  the 
15th  of  March  1 198  he  was  elected  at  Cologne. 
Both  the  elected  kings  tried  to  enter  Aix-la-Chapelle 
to  be  crowned,  but  Otto  was  more  fortunate,  and  was 
crowned  there  by  the  Archbishop  Adolphus  of  Cologne, 
who  took  part  with  him.  Philip  had  to  content 
himself  with  receiving  the  crown  at  Mentz  from 
the  hand  of  the  Archbishop  of  Tarantaise,  but,  to 
make  up  for  this,  the  ceremony  was  graced  by  the 
jewels  of  the  imperial  treasure,  which  the  Hohen- 
staufen kept  in  the  castle  of  Trifels.  Weighty 
details  these  in  those  days  for  deciding  the  validity 
of  an  election. 

Civil  war  was  now,  therefore,  let  loose  in  Ger- 
many, and  the  two  parties  sought  for  support  abroad, 


Innocent  III.  133 

Otto  inclining  chiefly  to  England,  Philip  to  France, 
but  both  seeking  the  favour  of  the  Pope.  Innocent 
at  first  temporised,  though  from  the  very  beginning 
his  secret  sympathies  were  all  for  Otto,  nor  were 
they  so  without  good  reason.  The  antagonism  be- 
tween the  Suabians  and  the  Church  was  traditional, 
whereas  the  latter  had  often  proved  the  devotion  of 
the  Guelph  house,  which  also,  from  having  fewer 
interests  and  less  history,  seemed  less  dangerous.  It 
was  quite  enough  to  have  already  one  Hohenstaufen 
in  the  south  and  almost  at  the  gates  of  Eome  ;  if 
now  the  imperial  crown  was  to  devolve  on  another, 
the  states  of  the  Church  would  again  be  surrounded, 
as  they  had  been  in  the  times  of  Henry  VI.  More- 
over, Philip,  though  gentle  by  nature  and  unlike 
his  brother,  had  shown  himself  animated  by  the 
principles  of  his  house,  and  adhered  to  Markwald 
in  Sicily,  while  the  fact  of  his  having  occupied  as 
Duke  of  Tuscany  the  lands  of  Matilda  kept  him 
still  under  the  ban  of  excommunication.  Yet,  in 
spite  of  all  these  reasons,  Innocent  took  his  time. 
The  two  parties  turned  to  him,  each  asking  for 
papal  recognition  and  the  crown  of  Empire  for  their 
own  candidate,  Otto's  partisans  adding  promises  of 
unlimited  devotion  and  of  great  concessions,  in  which 
the  King  of  England  joined  them.  On  the  other 
hand,  Philip's  followers  were  more  reserved  and 
more  jealous  of  the  imperial  dignity  and  rights. 
"We  have  sworn  to  our  lord,"  they  wrote  to  the 
Pope,  "to  support  him  against  every  one  who  is 
disaffected  or  disposed  to  contest  his  supreme  power 
and     the    enjoyment     of    his     brother's     possessions. 


134      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

Therefore  we,  devoted  as  we  are  to  the  Holy  See, 
implore  you  to  grant  your  paternal  affection  to  hirn, 
whom  we  hold  most  worthy  of  the  throne.  Stretch 
not  out  your  hand  against  the  rights  of  the  Empire, 
and  rest  assured  that  we  shall  not  under  any  pretext 
invade  the  privileges  of  the  Apostolic  See,  nor  allow 
others  to  invade  them." 

Thus,   by  degrees,   Innocent,  if  not  practically,   at 
least  in  theoiy,   was   called   on  to   arbitrate  between 
the  two,  and  this  was  what  he  wished.      When  Alex- 
ander III.,  on  his   election,  met  with  Octavian,  who 
disputed  his  right  to  the  pontificate,  Frederick  I.,  in- 
voking obsolete  rights,  had  tried  to  arbitrate  between 
them  5    but   Alexander   had   repulsed    him,   and   now 
Innocent  placed  himself  between  the  two  candidates, 
who  did   not   venture   to  repulse   him,   even   if   they 
did  not  invoke  him  in  so   many  words.      The   subtle 
papal    art    of  founding   a   fixed  right    on  every  fact 
that  occurred,  on  every  tradition,  on  every  temporary 
concession,  produced    much   fruit   during  the  pontifi- 
cate of  this  jurist  Innocent.      There  might  be  but  a 
short  step  between  this  arbitration  and  a  more  com- 
plete  subjection  of    the    Empire  to  papal   authority, 
and  so  much    the    more    caution   was   required   that 
ground  might  be  gained  rather  than  lost.      To  sound 
people's  minds,  he  sent  to  Germany  the  abbot  of  St. 
Anastasius   and    the    bishop   of    Sutri.       This    latter, 
exceeding  his  instructions,   freed  Philip  in  too  great 
a  hurry  from  the  sentence  of  excommunication  with- 
out waiting  till  certain  conditions  made  by  the  Pope 
were  fulfilled ;   and  Innocent,  to  mark  his  disapproval 
of  the  legate's  haste,  deprived  him  of  the   episcopal 


IXXOCENT  III.  135 

dignity,  and  treated  his  absolution  as  void.  Yet 
he  only  gradually  declared  his  sympathies,  and  not 
till  he  saw  that  Otto  was  fairly  equal  to  the  struggle, 
and  needed  but  some  opportune  assistance  to  give 
him  every  probability  of  winning.  His  aid,  however, 
became  more  and  more  urgent,  especially  when  the 
arrow  of  a  Limousin  archer  had  cut  short  the  Eng- 
lish Richard's  life,  and  with  it  the  chief  support  of 
the  Guelph  cause.  Conrad  of  Wittelsbach,  the  most 
venerable  and  influential  prelate  of  Germany,  having, 
on  the  Pope's  suggestion,  proposed  a  truce  which  was 
not  accepted,  both  candidates  turned  once  more  to 
the  Pope,  who  then  affirming  that  this  question  of 
the  Empire  devolved  principally  and  finally  on  the 
Apostolic  See,  frankly  took  up  the  attitude  of  a 
judge  examining  a  cause  on  which  he  is  bound  to  pass 
a  sentence. 

About  that  time  he  made  public  a  long  document 
called  "  A  deliberation  on  the  matter  of  the  Empire," 
in  which  he  undertook  to  examine  into  the  rights  of 
the  rival  candidates,  among  which,  with  a  fine  political 
sense  not  devoid  of  equity,  he  placed  first  of  all  the 
boy-king  of  Sicily,  whose  election  to  the  throne  of  the 
Romans  no  one  thought  of  any  longer.  He  carefully 
examined  the  claims  of  all  three,  ably  recognising 
those  in  favour  of  the  two  Suabians,  but  by  argu- 
mentative subtleties  he  destroyed  them,  while  he 
strengthened  those  which  favoured  Otto.  And  at  the 
end  of  his  exposition  he  concluded  that,  for  the  afore- 
said reasons,  "We  do  not  think  it  advisable  to  insist 
at  present  that  the  boy  (Frederick)  should  obtain  the 
Empire,  and  as  for  Philip,    he   must  be   entirely  set 


136      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

aside  for  obvious  reasons,  and  we  declare  that  lie  must 
be  prevented  from  usurping  the  Empire.  We  more- 
over propose  to  use  our  influence  by  means  of  our 
legate  with  the  princes  that  they  may  either  agree  re- 
garding a  suitable  person,  or  may  leave  it  to  our  judg- 
ment and  arbitration.  For  if  they  elect  no  one,  after 
long  waiting,  after  exhorting  them  to  agree,  after  in- 
structing them  by  letter,  we  shall  make  known  to  them 
our  counsel,  that  we  may  not  seem  connivers  in  their 
discord.  .  .  .  And  as  this  business  must  not  suffer 
delay,  and  since  Otto  both  in  himself  and  by  family 
tradition  is  devoted  to  the  Church,  ...  we  think  it 
will  be  desirable  to  favour  him  openly,  to  accept  him 
as  king,  and  when  that  has  been  arranged  which 
should  be  arranged  for  the  honour  of  the  Church,  call 
him  to  the  crown  of  Empire." 

After  declaring  so  openly  his  opinion,  he  set  him- 
self vigorously  to  ensure  Otto's  triumph,  leaving  no 
stone  unturned,  trying  especially  to  detach  Philip's 
adherents  from  him  and  draw  them  over  to  his  candi- 
date, and  this  among  the  German  barons  and  clergy 
as  much  as  in  the  European  courts.  At  the  beginning 
of  March  1201  he  wrote  to  Otto  recognising  him  as 
king,  and  wrote  also  to  the  principal  ecclesiastics  and 
barons  of  Germany  reproving  them  for  their  stubborn- 
ness in  continuing  to  disagree  in  spite  of  his  admoni- 
tions, declaring  that  the  welfare  of  Christendom  could 
suffer  no  further  delays,  and  that  he  proclaimed  Otto 
king.  His  legates  exerted  themselves  in  Germany, 
held  parliaments  in  which  they  confirmed  the  election 
of  the  Guelph  prince,  and  once  more  included  Philip 
and  his  adherents  in  a  general  sentence  of  excommuni- 


Innocent  III.  137 

cation.  At  Neuss  they  received  the  oath  of  Otto,  who 
promised  the  Pope  the  maintenance  and  recovery  of 
all  the  possessions  to  which  the  Holy  See  laid  claim, 
and  assistance  to  the  Church  in  Sicily.  He  agreed  to 
accept  the  advice  and  decision  of  the  Pope  regarding 
the  customs  of  the  Romans  and  touching  the  Leagues 
of  Tuscany  and  Lomhardy,  and  in  the  same  way  to  he 
guided  by  the  Pope  in  concluding  peace  with  the  King 
of  France.  On  receiving  the  imperial  crown,  he  was 
to  confirm  by  oath  and  in  writing  all  these  promises. 

But  the  attitude  of  the  Pope,  whom  the  Guelphs 
followed  probably  only  for  their  interest  and  tempo- 
rarily, displeased  the  Germans,  justly  jealous  of  their 
prerogatives  regarding  the  royal  election.  Philip 
defended  himself  publicly,  accusing  the  Pope  of  am- 
bitious intrusion,  and  declaring  that  German  inde- 
pendence would  be  lost  if  the  German  princes  could 
not  choose  their  king  without  the  papal  permission. 
Philip's  defence  was  echoed  by  his  supporters,  who 
replied  to  the  Pope  in  a  direct  letter,  signed  also  by 
archbishops  and  bishops,  in  which  this  interference 
was  repelled  firmly  and  in  strong  language.  Inno- 
cent then,  in  his  turn,  hastened  to  repel  the  accusa- 
tions, showing  that  he  and  his  legates  for  him  had 
not  usurped  the  functions  and  rights  of  the  electors, 
but  had  simply  exercised  his  own.  It  was  not  he 
who  had  elected  Otto  as  king,  nor  had  he  pretended 
to  the  right  of  doing  so.  This  right  the  Apostolic 
See  had  transferred  to  them  when  it  transferred  the 
Byzantine  Empire  to  Germany  and  recognised  it  as 
belonging  to  the  German  princes.  But  they  also 
must  recognise  "that  the  right  and  authority  of  exa- 


1 38       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

mining  the  person  chosen  to  be  king,  and  of  pro- 
moting kirn  to  the  Empire,  belongs  to  us  who  anoint 
and  consecrate  and  crown  him.  .  .  .  What  ?  If  the 
princes  were  to  agree  on  electing  a  sacrilegious  man 
or  a  tyrant,  a  heretic  or  a  pagan,  are  we  to  anoint, 
conseci'ate,  and  crown  such  a  man  ?  Far  be  it  from 
us!  And,"  added  Innocent,  "if  the  princes,  after 
being  admonished  and  waited  for,  cannot  or  will  not 
agree,  is  the  Apostolic  See  to  remain  without  her 
advocate  and  defender,  and  is  she  to  suffer  for  their 
fault  ?  "  Subtle  and  weighty  reasons,  naturally  spring- 
ing out  of  the  strange  grafting  of  the  imperial  inter- 
ests on  those  of  the  Church,  and  out  of  their  rights, 
inextricably  blended  and  constantly  clashing. 


(     139    ) 


CHAPTEE    IX. 

(1201-1216.) 

INNOCENT  III.     OTTO  OF  BRUNSWICK  AND 
FREDERICK  II. 

The  triumph,  of  Otto  was  greatly  desired  by  Innocent, 
not  simply  for  the  sake  of  terminating  this  dispute  in 
a  manner  favourable  to  the  Church,  but  also  because 
he  felt  all  the  benefit  which  would  accrue  to  Christen- 
dom were  its  two  great  powers  able  to  act  in  concord. 
The  whole  Christian  world  was  passing  then  through 
serious  changes,  to  some  of  which  Innocent  himself 
had  given  the  impulse,  while  he  merely  seconded 
others.  In  the  narrow  limits  of  this  work  it  is 
impossible  to  follow  Innocent  III.  through  the  vast 
ramifications  of  his  action,  and  the  history  of  this 
famous  Pope  must  necessarily  remain  maimed  and 
incomplete.  The  character  of  his  action  was  univer- 
sal, and  was  inspired  by  the  idea  of  this  universality. 
With  him  the  Papacy  seemed  for  a  moment  to  reach 
the  position  of  moderator  and  guide  of  human  events, 
and  in  as  far  as  the  nature  of  these  events  permitted 
it,  Innocent  really  did  approach  that  height.  Sove- 
rrigns,  one  after  another,  bowed  before  him;  the 
Eastern  Church  for  a  time  came  nearer  again  to  the 


140      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

Western;  on  the  Moors  of  Spain  and  the  Albigenses 
of  Languedoc  were  pressing  mercilessly  the  victorious 
arms  of  two  crusades,  while  a  third  was  filling  the 
thoughts  of  Innocent.  Through  his  influence  the 
voice  of  Fulk  of  Neuilly  was  raised  to  stir  up  the 
masses,  pointing  out  to  them  the  path  leading  to  the 
Holy  Sepulchre.  In  the  meantime  two  still  obscure 
men,  Dominic  of  Guzman  and  Francis  of  Assisi,  were 
applying  to  the  Pope  in  their  eagerness  to  guide  a 
new  democratic  movement  which  was  creeping  into  the 
Church,  restless  and  unconscious  of  its  strength,  and  not 
yet  knowing  the  magnet  that  drew  it.  Science,  art, 
and  letters  were  sending  out  new  and  uncertain  gleams, 
while  they  tormented  with  hopes  and  fears  the  thoughts 
of  mankind  in  the  new  life  on  which  it  was  enter- 
ing. A  general  transformation  was  going  on  in  the 
world. 

In  the  hope  of  the  imperial  authority  submitting 
and  devoting  itself  to  him,  the  Pope  continued  to 
favour  Otto  actively,  while  war  broke  out  between 
the  two  rivals,  and  Germany  was  torn  with  dissen- 
sions. For  about  two  years  things  went  well  with 
the  papal  favourite,  and  Philip  of  Suabia  found  him- 
self deserted  by  many  of  his  followers,  among  the 
rest  by  Herman,  Landgrave  of  Thuringia,  and  Otto- 
car,  King  of  Bohemia.  Then  Philip,  reduced  to  ex- 
tremities, turned  to  the  Pope  with  magnificent  offers. 
He  would  lead  an  army  to  Palestine,  would  give  up 
all  her  territories  to  the  Church,  and  make  great 
concessions  to  the  clergy ;  should  his  brother-in-law, 
Alexius  Angelus,  reach  the  throne  of  Constantinople, 
he  would  obtain  the  subjection  of  the  Greek  Church 


Innocent  III.  and  Otto  IV.  141 

to  Koine ;  finally,  he  offered  his  daughter  in  mar- 
riage to  a  nephew  of  Innocent.  At  the  time  nego- 
tiations were  opened,  but  ended  in  nothing,  and 
Innocent  protested  that  he  had  only  contemplated 
treating  of  Philip's  return  to  the  bosom  of  the 
Church,  not  of  granting  him  the  imperial  crown. 
But  after  the  early  successes,  Fortune  turned  her 
back  on  Otto ;  and  the  Pope's  protection,  though 
continued  for  some  time  with  active  energy,  did 
not  suffice  to  support  him.  The  chances  of  war 
were  against  Otto ;  the  principal  towns  surrendered 
to  Philip  either  willingly  or  under  pressure,  and 
those  same  princes  who  had  deserted  him,  includ- 
ing the  Landgrave  of  Thuringia  and  the  King  of  Bo- 
hemia, now  returned  to  him ;  also  the  Archbishop 
Adolphus  of  Cologne  was  come  over  to  his  side,  and 
on  the  Epiphany  of  1205  repeated  the  ceremony  of 
the  coronation  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  of  which  Philip  had 
become  master.  Otto  began  to  be  isolated,  and  was 
abandoned  even  by  his  father-in-law,  the  Duke  of 
Brabant,  and  his  brother,  Henry  of  Brunswick.  His 
cause  seemed  now  lost  beyond  recall,  and  with  it  were 
endangered  the  interests  of  the  Church  and  the  plans 
cherished  by  Innocent.  This  latter  now  began  to 
listen  more  favourably  to  the  proposals  repeated  oppor- 
tunely by  Philip.  He  felt  it  was  useless  to  continue 
the  struggle,  and  perhaps  also  was  influenced  by  the 
state  of  Rome,  always  a  difficulty  for  the  Pope,  and 
where  a  party  favourable  to  the  Suabians  was  gradu- 
ally entering  even  into  the  Curia  and  among  the  cardi- 
nals. AYiih  the  mediation  at  first  of  the  patriarch 
of  Aquileia,  they  began  to  discuss  some  ecclesiastical 


142      The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstaufen. 

business,  and  in  a  general  way  the  peace  of  the  Em- 
pire, for  the  sake  of  which  Innocent  proposed  a  truce 
between  the  two  rivals,  and  sent  into  Germany  his 
legates,  cardinals  Ugolino  of  Ostia,  and  Leo  Branca- 
leone,  who  in  1207  met  Philip  at  Spires,  agreed  with 
him  regarding  the  principal  ecclesiastical  questions, 
freed  him  from  all  sentence  of  excommunication,  arid 
arranged  a  year's  truce  between  him  and  Otto.  But 
Innocent  wanted  to  follow  up  the  truce  by  a  peace. 
He  saw  now  that  victory  was  assured  to  Philip,  who 
had  with  him  Germany,  the  King  of  France,  and  many 
European  princes,  while  his  adversary  was  left  without 
any  efficient  support.  As  Frederick  Barbarossa  had 
once  become  aware  that  all  his  efforts  were  vain 
against  Italian  resistance,  and  had  then  changed  his 
policy,  so  now,  when  Innocent  recognised  the  strength 
of  German  resistance,  he  entered  on  a  new  course. 
Whatever  happened,  the  Pope  would  remain  arbitrator 
in  the  struggle  for  the  Empire,  and  this  was  his  prin- 
cipal object.  Let  us  add  that  the  German  party  in 
Sicily  was  now  subdued,  so  that  Philip's  influence 
there  could  no  longer  give  umbrage,  while  in  the 
Countess  Matilda's  contested  possessions  and  in  Lom- 
bardy  the  imperial  power  was  waning  before  munici- 
pal independence.  Peace  therefore  with  Philip  offered 
few  dangers  now,  and  might  bear  good  fruit,  so  that 
Innocent  tried  to  arrive  at  it  by  persuading  Otto  of 
Brunswick  that  he  must  now  resign  the  crown  to  his 
adversary,  who  offered  him  in  compensation  the  hand 
of  his  eldest  daughter,  Beatrice,  and  the  duchy  of  Suabia. 
But  on  Otto's  indignant  refusal,  it  appeared  as  if  one 
more  effort  on  Philip's  part  would  be  necessary,  and 


Innocent  III.  and  Otto  IV.  143 

lie  was  already  preparing  to  make  it  when  the  tragic 
destiny  of  the  house  of  Hohenstaufen  stepped  in 
unexpectedly.  Shortly  before,  Philip  had  mortally 
offended  one  of  his  followers,  the  Count  Palatine  Otto 
of  Wittelsbach,  a  fierce  and  violent  man,  nephew  to 
the  other  of  the  same  name,  who  had  rendered  such 
faithful  service  to  Frederick  I.  This  man's  anger  had 
been  aroused  by  Philip's  refusing  him  his  daughter's 
hand  after  having  promised  it  to  him,  and  after,  as  it 
appears,  having  hindered  his  contracting  another  alli- 
ance. He  swore  vengeance,  and  on  the  21st  of  June 
1  208  at  Bamberg,  while  Philip  was  reposing  and  talk- 
ing with  the  Bishop  of  Spires  and  some  other  courtiers, 
Otto  of  Wittelsbach  entered  suddenly  and  killed  him 
on  the  spot,  then  knocking  down  and  wounding  who- 
ever opposed  him,  made  his  escape.  Thus  at  the  age 
of  thirty-four  closed  the  life  of  the  gentlest  of  this 
Suabian  house,  while  he  was  preparing  to  receive  the 
imperial  crown  and  mark  a  fresh  page  in  the  history 
of  his  family.  By  this  death,  if  Germany  was  not  to 
fall  back  again  into  all  the  perplexities  from  which 
she  appeared  to  be  just  emerging,  the  darkened  star 
of  Otto  of  Brunswick  seemed  necessarily  to  rise  again 
into  the  ascendant,  while  in  far-off  Sicily  the  last 
Suabian  could  scarcely  as  yet  inspire  any  fear. 

Innocent  deplored  the  shocking  deed,  but  lost  no 
time  in  returning  to  Otto  and  in  doing  all  he  could 
to  prevent  other  claimants  from  starting  up  and  from 
renewing  a  struggle  which  had  already  pressed  so 
hard  on  Church  and  Empire.  He  applied  himself 
to  the  task  with  energy.  Aware,  probably,  of  the 
faults  of  Otto's   covetous   and  impetuous  disposition, 


144      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

he  admonished  him  to  moderate  them  while  promising 
him  his  support.  He  addressed  himself  to  the  com- 
munes of  Lombardy  and  the  King  of  France  to  win 
them  over  to  Otto  ;  he  wrote  to  prelates  and  princes 
in  Germany  exhorting  them  to  transfer  their  support  to 
him  and  beware  of  endangering  the  peace  by  another 
election.  To  conciliate  the  adherents  of  the  Suabian 
house,  he  gave  the  necessary  dispensation  for  the 
marriage  of  Otto  with  Beatrice,  the  young  daughter 
of  the  murdered  Philip,  whose  death  was  later 
aveno-ed  in  the  blood  of  the  murderer.  Otto,  in 
a  solemn  assembly  held  at  Frankfort  the  I  ith  of 
November  1208,  was  recognised  without  opposition, 
and  having  celebrated  his  espousals  with  Beatrice,  he 
set  out  in  the  August  of  1209  for  Italy  and  his 
coronation. 

In  the  meantime,  freedom,  strength,  and  dissen- 
sions had  greatly  increased  in  Italy,  for  while  every 
day  the  ties  binding  her  to  Germany  were  loosening, 
the  names  around  which  German  discords  rallied  had 
crossed  the  Alps,  and  the  Italian  factions  of  the 
Guelphs  and  the  Ghibellines  were  beginning  to 
brandish  the  torch  of  their  immortal  hate.  Otto 
rapidly  traversed  North  Italy  and  Tuscany  without 
hindrance,  receiving  the  homage  of  many  towns 
and  many  nobles.  As  advocate  of  the  Church  and 
in  her  name,  but  without  being  empowered  to  do  so, 
he  occupied  some  of  the  Countess  Matilda's  lands, 
and  in  the  September  of  1209  entered  the  states 
of  the  Church  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  army. 

Innocent  came  to  meet  him  at  Viterbo,  and  per- 
haps   some    suspicions    crossed    his   mind    on   seeing 


Innocent  III.  and  Otto  IV.  145 

Octo  arrive  with  an  armed  retinue  so  much  greater 
than  seemed  necessary,  and  the  occupation  of  Ma- 
tilda's lands  increased  the  suspicion.  At  any  rate, 
Otto  gave  a  verbal  promise  to  restore  those  lands, 
but  was  always  able  to  find  pretexts  for  not  confirm- 
ing the  promise  in  writing,  and  Innocent,  unable 
any  longer  to  draw  back,  preceded  to  Eome  the 
Emperor-elect,  who  followed  close,  and  encamped  at 
Monte  Mario.  Eome,  meanwhile,  sullenly  watched 
the  Germans,  who,  as  usual,  gave  little  heed  to 
the  rights  she  claimed,  and  her  citizens  kept  a 
threatening  guard  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Tiber. 
Hardly  had  the  ceremony  of  the  coronation  been 
completed  in  the  Vatican,  than  Pope  and  Emperor 
separated  at  the  bridge  of  St.  Angelo,  and  Inno- 
cent returned  to  the  Lateran.  But  before  Otto 
with  his  men  could  reach  the  camp,  the  ruffled 
tempers  of  the  Romans  broke  out  into  violence. 
In  the  Leonine  city  there  was  fierce  fighting  all  day 
long,  and  Otto,  after  heavy  loss  in  men  and  horses, 
had  to  retire  at  last  and  fortify  himself  at  Monte 
Mario.  Thence  he  sent  to  Innocent  asking  for  an 
interview,  which  he  was  perhaps  far  from  desiring ; 
and  the  Pope,  either  on  account  of  Rome's  fury 
against  the  Germans  or  of  his  own  suspicions,  pre- 
ferred treating  through  ambassadors.  Evidently 
there  was  disagreement  between  them,  and  it  appears 
to  have  arisen  from  the  old  question  of  Matilda's  pos- 
sessions. 

And  in  truth,  with  regard  to  these  possessions  Otto 
immediately  showed  himself  in  his  real  colours.    Throw- 
ing to  the  winds  all  the  protestations  and  promises 
c.  11.  K 


146      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

made  by  him  for  so  many  years  to  Innocent,  the  new 
Emperor,  on  leaving  the  Roman  territory,  turned  to- 
wards Tuscia,  and  forcibly  occupied,  as  forming  these 
possessions,  all  the  cities  of  the  patrimony,  which  he 
had  always  solemnly  declared  to  belong,  and  belong  for 
ever,  to  the  Popes.  Then,  by  flattering  the  principal 
nobles  in  Northern  Italy  and  what  remained  of  the 
German  faction  in  the  South,  this  Guelph  placed  him- 
self all  at  once  at  the  head  of  the  Ghibellines,  and 
with  their  aid  aimed  in  his  ambition  at  repeating 
Henry  VI. 's  work  and  carrying  it  to  completion.  The 
inevitable  dispute  between  Church  and  Empire  was 
revived  by  this  creature  of  Innocent's,  and  bitterly  did 
the  Pope  feel  the  disappointment.  In  vain  did  he 
reproach  Otto  with  the  oaths  made  to  the  Church.  All 
the  more  arrogant  now  for  having  humbled  himself  so 
abjectly  before,  Otto  answered  that  other  oaths  bound 
him  to  maintain  the  dignity  of  the  Empire  and  to 
recover  its  lost  rights.  And  he  persevered  in  his 
daring.  Urged  on  by  the  factious  nobility  of  Sicily, 
he  made  ready  to  enter  that  realm  in  order  to  wrest 
it  from  the  Hohenstauf en.  In  November  1  2 1  o  he 
moved  from  Rieti  to  the  frontier,  and  settled  for  the 
winter  at  Capua,  whose  gates  opened  to  receive  him. 
The  excommunication  pronounced  against  him  seemed 
to  stimulate  him  to  advance,  and  in  the  following 
year,  after  becoming  master  of  Naples  and  Taranto,  he 
was  preparing,  with  the  assistance  of  the  Saracens  and 
of  Pisa,  to  invade  Sicily.  Moreover,  making  use  of  the 
same  means  as  served  Henry  VI. ,  he  tried  to  blocka.de 
Rome,  so  as  to  hinder  communications  with  the  outer 
world,  while  within  the   city   he  found    adherents  in 


Innocent  III.  and  Otto  IV.  147 

Innocent's  political  and  personal  enemies,  and  drew 
the  prefect  of  Rome  over  to  his  side,  making  internal 
difficulties  for  the  Pope,  who  would  thus  be  less  able 
to  take  measures  against  him.  But  the  repentant 
Innocent  was  now  devoting  that  same  energy  to  the 
destruction  of  his  work  that  he  had  formerly  given 
to  creating  it.  He  worked  untiringly  at  undermining 
the  foundations  of  his  enemy's  power  and  at  isolating 
him.  He  sent  serious  letters  to  the  King  of  France, 
confessing  his  error,  and  rekindling  the  jealousy  and 
suspicion  with  which  Philip  Augustus  had  always  re- 
garded Otto,  the  relative  and  favourite  of  the  English 
king.  He  tried  to  place  him  in  a  bad  light  before 
the  free  cities  of  Northern  Italy,  and  intimated  to  the 
bishops  of  those  parts  that  they  should  announce  the 
excommunication  of  this  Emperor,  who  invaded  the 
rights  of  the  Church  and  was  disposed  to  oppress  her. 
He  sent  the  same  intimation  to  the  bishops  of  Ger- 
many, where  he  laboured  still  harder  for  Otto's  de- 
struction. Determined  on  a  change  of  policy,  he  did 
not  hesitate  before  what  he  formerly  had  most  feared, 
and  now  regarded  the  old  followers  of  the  Hoken- 
staufen  as  his  allies.  Rather  than  allow  Otto  to  hold 
the  Empire  at  the  same  time  as  he  made  himself  master 
of  Sicily,  it  were  better  to  try  to  transplant  Frede- 
rick II.  into  Germany  and  turn  him  once  more  into  a 
German.  Legate  after  legate  was  sent  to  Germany  to 
excite  the  leading  men  to  desert  the  excommunicated 
Emperor,  to  whom  no  one  was  bound  to  keep  faith,  as 
he  had  not  kept  it  to  God  and  the  Church.  Let  them 
be  on  their  guard  against  him,  or  he  would  soon  reduce 
them  to  the  same  condition  as  his  kinsmen  the  kings  of 


14S      The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstaufen. 

England  had  reduced  the  English  barons.  He  had 
been  entirely  mistaken  in  Otto's  character,  and  now 
was  the  first  to  pay  dearly  for  his  ignorance.  Let  them 
lose  no  time  in  providing  a  remedy,  and  he  would  sup- 
port them  with  all  his  might. 

The  Pope's  words  flew  like  sparks  of  fire  through 
Germany,  where  the  embers  of  former  fires  were  still 
warm.  The  enemies  of  the  Guelphs  raised  their 
heads  and  the  Suabian  party  reawoke.  In  many  of 
the  principal  sees  the  bishops  solemnly  announced 
the  sentence  of  excommunication ;  the  King  of  Bo- 
hemia, the  Landgrave  of  Thuringia,  the  Duke  of 
Austria  again  abandoned  the  Emperor,  and  the 
French  king  meantime  blew  upon  the  coals.  Civil 
war  flared  up  afresh  with  all  its  horrors,  the  Ghibel- 
lines  turned  to  their  natural  head,  pointed  out  to 
them  by  the  Pope,  and  in  the  place  of  the  fallen 
Otto  elected  Frederick  II.  Thus,  while  the  Emperor 
was  preparing  to  deprive  the  young  king  of  his 
Sicilian  crown,  he  found  himself  taken  in  flank  and 
obliged  to  return.  Otto,  after  exhorting  his  par- 
tisans in  the  kingdom  to  be  steadfast,  proceeded  to 
Lombardy  and  held  a  diet  at  Lodi.  Many  cities,  out 
of  deference  to  the  Pope,  did  not  send  representa- 
tives ;  but  others  were  friendly,  such  as  Bologna  and 
Milan,  this  latter  unchanging  in  her  hatred  of  the 
Suabians.  In  March  12 12,  Otto  IV.  had  returned 
to  Germany. 

Frederick  II.,  called  by  Innocent  to  share  in  the 
great  struggles  now  agitating  and  transforming 
Europe,  entered  the  field  of  history  with  an  eager 
presentiment    of    a    memorable    career.       A   singular 


Innocent  III.  and  Frederick  II.         149 

man  was  to  emerge  from  this  stripling.  His  dis- 
position, his  education,  the  early  vicissitudes  of  his 
life,  the  places  and  the  age  in  which  he  lived,  all 
contributed  to  make  him  such,  and  to  render  still 
more  complex  a  character  in  which  it  may  be  said 
that  the  manifold  elements  of  his  nature  were  fused 
as  in  an  alchemist's  crucible.  He  inherited  his 
fathers  false  and  cruel  nature,  but  also  the  stronger 
intellect  and  more  generous  instincts  of  his  grand- 
father, and  from  his  Norman  ancestors  a  subtle  and 
flexible  cunning,  while  from  all  there  came  to  him 
greed  of  power  and  wealth,  combined  with  a  lordly 
prodigality.  He  had  drunk  in  from  the  soft  breezes 
of  his  native  land  love  of  art  and  love  of  pleasure, 
and  that  Italian  gift  of  assimilating  the  thoughts  of 
other  countries,  and  of  modifying  them  to  suit  his 
own  mind.  His  early  circumstances  had  taught 
him  dissimulation  and  suspicion,  but  his  lively  and 
talented  mind  inclined  him  to  a  gay  and  cordial 
sociability.  Growing  up  among  experienced  and 
cultivated  men  of  every  country,  kind,  faith,  and 
profession,  he  had  imbibed  from  all  an  inquisitive 
desire  for  knowledge,  added  to  a  mixture  of  super- 
stition and  scepticism  in  judging  of  life,  of  men, 
and  things.  He  felt  both  hate  and  love  strongly, 
and  the  enjoyment  of  taking  vengeance  and  of  con- 
ferring benefits ;  nor  could  calculation  appease  his 
-ions,  though  it  might  curb  them.  He  was  highly 
cultivated,  and  of  the  various  languages  spoken  in 
his  Sicily,  from  the  still  wavering  Italian  to  the 
Arab  tongue,  he  spoke  them  all,  and,  like  a  knight 
of  romance,  he  was  a  poet  in  more  than  one  language, 


150      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

wedding  tlie  words  to  music.  Later,  lie  was  a  gene- 
rous patron  of  science  and  art,  a  legislator,  and  an 
adept  in  law,  and,  when  unbiassed  by  political  con- 
siderations, a  calm  administrator  of  justice  to  his 
people. 

To  the  restless  spirit  of  the  young  prince  a  whole 
world  was  opened  up  by  the  invitation  of  Innocent 
and  of  the  German  Ghibellines,  who  also  invoked 
him,  and  he  accepted  it  with  enthusiasm.  In  vain 
his  counsellors  dissuaded  him ;  in  vain  his  young 
wife,  Constance  of  Arragon,  who  shortly  before  had 
given  him  a  son,  implored  him  to  remain  in  his  dear 
kingdom,  far  from  German  mists  and  from  the  uncer- 
tain glory  of  an  undertaking  fraught  with  danger. 
The  proud  and  noble  blood  of  the  Hohenstaufen  which 
tingled  in  his  veins  urged  him  on  to  the  adventure. 
Having  had  his  child  Henry  crowned,  he  intrusted  the 
Queen  with  the  care  of  the  state,  and  in  April  I  2 1  2 
met  with  a  cordial  reception  in  Rome  from  the  citizens 
and  from  Innocent,  to  whose  persistent  protection  he 
owed  the  preservation  of  his  first  crown.  During 
his  stay  in  Eome,  Frederick  made  the  Pope  earnest 
declarations  of  unchanging  gratitude  and  devotion, 
and  was  profuse  in  promises  and  concessions,  receiv- 
ing in  exchange  assurances  of  support  and  money  to 
assist  him  in  his  enterprise.  After  separating  from 
the  Pope,  Frederick  proceeded  by  sea  to  Genoa,  avoid- 
ing the  obstacles  offered  to  his  passage  by  the  cities 
and  feudatories  of  Northern  Italy,  who  sided  with 
Otto,  unmindful  of  the  Pope's  admonitions.  Through 
many  difficulties  and  dangers,  accompanied  by  the 
Marquises  of  Este  and  Montferrat  and  a  small  retinue, 


Innocent  III.  and  Frederick  II.        151 

lie  succeeded  in  getting  out  of  Lombardy  and  gaining 
the  Alps.  Past  Trent  and  the  Engadine,  he  reached 
the  shores  of  the  Lake  of  Constance,  and  dashed  with 
sixty  knights  into  that  city,  which  opened  her  gates 
to  him  only  three  hours  before  the  arrival  of  the 
Emperor  Otto  with  a  larger  retinue.  The  short  delay, 
however,  had  sufficed.  Constance  holding  out  for 
Frederick  at  that  moment,  saved  the  fortunes  of  the 
Hohenstaufen  and  exerted  a  special  influence  over  the 
future  of  the  Empire. 

Otto  meantime  had  not  awaited  in  idleness  the 
coming  of  this  storm,  provoked  by  his  enemies  both 
in  and  out  of  Germany,  and  had  devoted  himself  most 
energetically  to  winning  over  adherents  among  Italians 
and  Germans,  detaching  as  many  as  he  could  from 
the  other  side.  First  at  Frankfurt,  then  at  Niim- 
berg  in  diets  which  he  summoned,  he  made  formal 
complaints  against  Innocent,  accusing  him  of  attack- 
ing German  independence  and  the  rights  of  the 
Empire ;  and  while  he  tried  to  put  the  Pope  in  an 
unfavourable  light  as  an  enemy  of  the  Empire,  he, 
on  the  other  side,  did  all  he  could  to  gain  alliances, 
especially  in  England  and  Flanders,  in  order  to  have 
powerful  forces  to  oppose  to  the  persistent  enmity  of 
Philip  Augustus.  To  attract  the  partisans  of  the 
house  of  Suabia,  he  decided  on  celebrating  the  mar- 
riage, already  arranged,  between  him  and  the  youthful 
Beatrice,  daughter  of  Philip  of  Suabia,  and  heiress  of 
his  claims ;  but  the  marriage  was  an  inauspicious  one. 
Four  days  after  the  ceremony  the  bride  suddenly 
died,  and  soon  dark  rumours  against  Otto  circulated 
concerning  the  unexpected  event,  and  in  those  days 


152      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

of  party  animosity  the  accusation,  in  spite  of  its  im- 
probability, did  not  fail  to  be  listened  to  by  many,  and 
to  all  this  sudden  death  appeared  an  evil  omen.  The 
Suabian  and  Bavarian  barons  held  aloof  from  him  ; 
and  Frederick,  on  arriving  in  Germany,  found  the 
ground  well  prepared,  notwithstanding  all  his  oppo- 
nent's energy,  and  civil  war  flared  up  and  spread 
rapidly. 

But  it  was  not  in  Germany  that  the  fate  of  the 
Empire  was  this  time  to  be  determined,  and  Otto  had  a 
more  dangerous  enemy  in  the  powerful  King  of  France. 
An  enemy  to  him  and  to  his  kinsmen,  the  English 
Plantagenets,  and  jealous  of  his  own  powerful  feuda- 
tories, especially  of  the  Count  of  Flanders,  who  aimed 
at  weakening  the  French  monarchy,  just  as  the  English 
had  weakened  the  strength  of  King  John,  Philip  Au- 
gustus regarded  the  young  Hohenstaufen  as  an  element 
of  victory  in  the  struggle  which  could  not  be  deferred 
much  longer.  On  the  ground  therefore  of  their  common 
enemies  he  entered  into  an  alliance  with  him,  helping 
him  with  money,  as  Genoa  had  done  and  the  Pope, 
who  meanwhile  was  moving  heaven  and  earth  in  his 
favour.  Frederick  was  making  good  way  in  spite  of 
manifold  difficulties,  but  he  felt  how  strong  his  adver- 
sary still  was,  and  he  clung  to  the  Pope.  In  a  diet  at 
Egra  in  Bohemia,  whose  king,  Ottocar,  had  declared  for 
him,  he  solemnly  repeated  and  confirmed  with  a  golden 
bull  his  promises  to  the  Holy  See.  He  maintained 
and  enlarged  the  ecclesiastical  prerogatives  in  matters 
of  tenure,  election,  and  appeal  to  Rome ;  he  also  pro- 
mised to  assure  to  the  Church  the  direct  possession  of 
her  lands,  including  among  these  the  territories  from 


Innocent  III.  and  Frederick  II.         153 

Radicofani  to  Ceprano,  all  the  March  of  Ancona, 
Spoleto,  Matilda's  possessions,  Ravenna  and  the  Pen- 
tapolis,  only  reserving  the  ancient  right  of  forage  ;  at 
the  same  time  he  recognised  the  suzerainty  of  the 
Pope  over  the  kingdom  of  Sicily,  over  Sardinia  and 
Corsica.  He  accompanied  these  concessions  with 
words  of  reverential  gratitude  and  affection.  "I  have 
before  my  eyes,"  he  says  to  Innocent  in  his  bull, 
"  your  immense  and  innumerable  benefits,  0  my 
fatherly  protector  and  benefactor,  whose  guardianship 
nourished,  shielded,  and  promoted  me  since  my  mother 
Constance  flung  me  almost  from  her  womb  into  your 
protecting  arms,  and  we  shall  always  with  a  hum- 
ble and  devout  heart  pay  our  tribute  of  honour  and 
obedience  to  our  special  mother  the  Roman  Church." 
Singular  language  in  the  mouth  of  Frederick,  who 
was  to  show  himself  later  so  different  in  word  and 
deed ! 

But  this  language,  which  then  was  not  perhaps  alto- 
gether insincere,  did  him  good  service  in  flattering 
Innocent's  fond  but  vain  hope  that  at  length  there  sat 
on  the  throne  of  the  Empire  a  man  really  devoted  to 
the  Church ;  and  in  this  hope  Innocent  continued  to 
favour  him,  not  only  in  Germany  and  Italy,  but  also 
with  the  King  of  France,  to  whom  the  Pope  drew  all 
the  closer,  as  the  estrangement  between  himself  and 
the  English  king  approached  an  open  rupture.  And 
though  Innocent  somewhat  later  made  peace  with  Eng- 
land, yet  his  interests  were  always  at  that  time  with 
France,  so  that  before  long  things  came  to  a  point  at 
which  war  could  not  be  avoided.  Otto  IV.  united  his 
army  to  the  English  one,  and  the  battle  of  Bouvines  on 


154      The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstaufen. 

the  27th  of  July  12 14,  so  famous  in  French  and 
English  annals,  decided  also  the  imperial  destinies. 
Otto,  defeated,  exhausted  by  this  war,  and  abandoned 
by  his  partisans,  retired  to  his  duchy  of  Brunswick, 
henceforth  in  little  more  than  name  the  rival  of 
Frederick.  This  latter,  favoured  by  fortune,  could 
soon  regard  himself  as  the  almost  unquestioned  lord 
of  Germany.  On  the  24th  of  July  1  2  1  5  he  made  his 
solemn  entry  into  Aix-la-Chapelle,  accompanied  by 
a  great  crowd  of  German  princes,  and  by  the  French 
and  papal  envoys.  On  the  following  day  he  assumed 
the  silver  crown  of  Germany.  As  the  ceremony  was 
completed  the  voice  of  a  priest  resounded  through 
the  sacred  aisles  recalling  that  Jerusalem  the  blessed 
was  in  the  hands  of  infidels,  and  invoking  a  crusade. 
Was  it  from  an  impulse  of  enthusiasm  in  that  solemn 
moment  of  his  life,  or  was  he  merely  yielding  to  a  tem- 
porary political  necessity  ?  Frederick  took  the  Cross, 
and,  following  his  example,  many  princes  vowed  them- 
selves with  him  to  the  crusade ;  but  that  vow,  which 
seemed  to  bind  him  for  ever  in  love  to  the  Church,  was 
before  long  to  turn  into  a  tormenting  chain,  bringing 
no  other  result  but  the  implacable  hatred  of  the  Popes, 
returned  by  him  with  equal  bitterness. 

Now  that  his  candidate  was  firmly  seated  on  the 
imperial  throne,  the  heresy  of  the  Albigenses  eradi- 
cated, serious  ecclesiastical  questions  disposed  of  in 
almost  every  European  state,  and  the  Greek  Church 
united  to  the  Roman,  thanks  to  the  new  Latin  Em- 
pire at  Constantinople,  Innocent  thought  it  high  time 
to  call  round  him  the  Christian  fathers  in  a  council  to 
be  held  in  the  Lateran.      Very  grand  was  the  material 


Innocent  III.  and  Frederick  II.        155 

prepared  for  the  labours  of  this  grave  assembly.  To 
consolidate  the  recent  conquests  of  the  Church,  to 
affirm  in  a  series  of  canons  the  legislation  which  had 
gradually  been  developed,  to  expound  to  the  world  the 
majesty  of  the  Papacy  and  the  unlimited  extension 
of  all  its  rights  and  powers,  but  above  all  to  reform 
the  Church  where  necessary,  confirm  the  purity  of  the 
faith,  and  provide  for  the  supreme  struggle  between 
East  and  West  which  had  its  centre  in  the  sepulchre 
of  Christ — these  were  in  Innocent's  mind  the  principal 
objects  of  the  council.  On  St.  Martin's  Day  1215a 
very  numerous  assembly  of  bishops  met  in  the  Lateran, 
and  was  inaugurated  by  Innocent  in  a  speech  indica- 
ting the  principal  points  they  were  to  discuss,  with  a 
specially  warm  recommendation  of  the  crusade ;  and 
among  the  many  important  decisions  of  the  council, 
those  concerning  this  sacred  enterprise  had  great 
prominence.  Another  resolution  was  one  recognis- 
ing Frederick  II.  as  King  of  the  Bomans,  although 
the  Milanese  envoys  tried  to  make  good  the  claims 
of  the  forsaken  Otto.  On  the  closing  of  the  coun- 
cil. Innocent  gave  all  his  attention  to  the  cru- 
sade, which  had  throughout  his  pontificate  been  the 
distant  aim  of  his  policy,  but  already  in  his  open- 
ing discourse  his  words  mingled  with  a  hope  of  new 
triumphs  the  sad  presentiment  of  approaching  death. 
"If  it  is  in  the  designs  of  God,"  he  had  said,  "  I 
am  willing  to  drink  the  cup  of  the  passion,  though 
I  desire  to  remain  in  the  flesh  until  the  work  begun 
be  completed.  Yet  not  mine,  but  God's  will  be 
done,  and  for  that  said  I  unto  you,  With  desire  I 
have    desired    to   eat   this   passover   with  you  before 


156      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

I  suffer."  The  presentiment  was  true.  While  going 
to  Pisa  to  persuade  her  to  join  Genoa  in  the  crusade, 
lie  was  seized,  at  Perugia  by  a  fever,  and  died  on 
the  1 6th  of  June  12  16.  He  was  but  fifty-six,  and 
for  more  than  eighteen  years  he  had  ruled  the  Church 
among  powerful  princes,  often  at  variance  with  him, 
and,  what  was  more  difficult,  among  nations  agitated 
by  a  vague  tendency  to  some  transformation  not  yet 
understood,  but  giving  a  sense  of  restless  discomfort. 
It  is  not  for  us  to  judge  in  this  little  book  a  man 
whose  vast  labours  far  exceeded  the  limits  of  our 
subject.  Here  we  can  only  say  that,  in  his  relations 
with  the  Empire,  he  was  perhaps  less  fortunate  and. 
less  discriminating  than  in  other  matters ;  though 
even  on  this  point  a  judgment  is  very  difficult. 
Certainly,  however,  as  Frederick  Barbarossa  had 
forgotten  the  conditions  of  his  time,  and  had  exag- 
gerated the  power  of  the  Empire,  so  also  Innocent 
forgot  or  did  not  see  them,  and  exaggerated  the  power 
of  the  Church.  Hence  the  grand,  but,  from  its  very 
nature,  perishable  work  of  both  could  not  resist  the 
spirit  of  the  age. 


(     157    ) 


CHAPTER    X. 

(1216-1227.) 

HONORIUS  III.  AND  FREDERICK  II. 

The  crusade  which  had  occupied  Innocent  III.'s 
last  thoughts  became  the  chief  and  continual  aspi- 
ration of  his  successor,  Honorius  III.,  who  inherited 
besides  a  vast  amount  of  business,  including  the 
papal  relations  with  the  new  Emperor-elect,  which 
soon  proved  perplexing.  The  subtle  Frederick  en- 
joyed greater  freedom  in  his  policy  after  the  death 
of  Innocent,  whose  benefits  towards  him  had  been 
too  great  to  be  easily  ignored  during  his  lifetime. 
Nor  did  he  change  his  policy  all  at  once,  as  his 
father  had  done,  and  still  more  harshly  Otto  IV., 
but  showed  himself  considerate  to  the  new  Pope ; 
yet,  while  protesting  his  devotion  to  the  Holy  See, 
he  began  to  take  a  new  departure.  During  Inno- 
cent's life  he  had  had  his  son  Henry  proclaimed 
King  of  Sicily,  and  at  the  same  time  he  had  at 
Strasburg  solemnly  promised  the  Pope  that  on 
assuming  the  imperial  crown  he  would  separate  it 
entirely  from  the  Sicilian  one,  and  would  surrender 
to  his  son  the   government   of  the  kingdom.      Upon 


158      The  Popes  and  /the  Hohenstaufen. 

this  promised  surrender  of  Sicily  Innocent's  change 
of  policy  was  based,  and  it  was  of  the  highest  im- 
port;) nee  to  the  Papacy.  But  now  Frederick,  without 
formally  renouncing  his  promise,  sent  for  his  son 
Henry  to  Germany,  thus  in  a  way  separating  him 
from  Sicily  while  connecting  him  with  Germany, 
and  preparing  the  way  for  ensuring  to  him  that 
crown  also.  Frederick,  well  acquainted  with  the 
moderate  disposition  of  Honorius  and  with  his  spe- 
cial aspirations,  began  a  temporising  policy,  which  was 
well  imagined  and  for  a  long  time  successful. 

Honorius  continued  to  cherish  his  idea  of  the 
crusade  with  an  enthusiasm  which  met  with  a  very 
lukewarm  response  from  Christendom.  Vainly  he 
called  on  the  princes  to  arm  for  the  enterprise  ;  every 
one  was  too  much  engrossed  in  their  European  affairs 
to  have  any  interest  to  spare  for  this  far-away  holy 
war,  and  Frederick  had  less  than  any.  To  the  en- 
treaties of  Honorius,  recalling  his  vow  and  demand- 
ing its  fulfilment,  he  opposed  continual  delays,  giving 
as  pretext  the  state  of  Germany  and  the  risk  of 
leaving  it  while  Otto  IV.  might  again  set  it  in  a  blaze. 
But  death  soon  freed  him  from  this  adversary.  On 
the  19th  of  May  12 18,  in  a  castle  near  Goslar,  Otto 
died,  penitent  and  imploring  humbly  the  Church's 
pardon,  but  not  without  a  certain  dignity ;  and  this 
death  left  Frederick  in  unquestioned  possession  of 
the  Empire.  Honorius  invited  him  to  Eome  for  the 
coronation,  thinking  thus  to  embark  him  on  the  road 
to  Palestine  ;  but  Frederick,  much  as  he  desired  the 
crown,  would  not  leave  Germany  till  he  had  ensured 
the  election  of  his  son  as  Kinsr  of  the  Eomans.      The 


H0N0R1US   III.   AND   FREDERICK   II.  I  59 

Curia  became  anxious  and  remonstrated,  but  Frederick 
tried  by  flattering  the  Pope's  pious  wishes  to  reassure 
hint.  According  to  bim,  the  promotion  of  Henry  bad 
the  sole  object  of  preserving  peace  in  Europe  should 
he  himself  die  in  the  Holy  Land,  and  be  confirmed 
with  fresh  bulls  the  promises  given  to  the  Church  at 
Strasburg,  and  renewed  bis  humble  protests  of  love 
and  duty.  At  the  same  time,  be  astutely  asked  that 
he  might  retain  the  kingdom  of  Sicily  for  his  life- 
time, instead  of  ceding  it  to  his  son,  and  the  Pope 
did  not  seem  much  disinclined  to  consent. 

Thus  time  passed,  and  Frederick,  while  making 
many  promises  and  talking  with  great  zeal,  continued 
to  carry  out  bis  own  purposes.  But  the  Curia  began 
to  lose  confidence  in  him  and  his  promises,  and  gave 
the  first  hint  of  this  by  drawing  near  again  to  the 
Lombard  Guelphs,  who  had  always  sided  with  Otto 
and  regarded  the  Suabian  with  no  favour.  In  the 
hope  of  promoting  the  crusade,  Cardinal  Ugolino  of 
Ostia  laboured  energetically  in  restoring  peace  among 
the  cities  of  Central  and  Northern  Italy,  and  with 
considerable  success.  This  harmony  could  never  be 
favourable  to  imperial  interests,  but  the  Pope  also 
had  his  difficulties  at  home  ;  for  the  turbulent  Romans 
had  obliged  bim,  in  June  1 2  19,  to  leave  Rome.  Still, 
his  efforts  for  the  deliverance  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre 
had  about  that  time  one  successful  result  which  ap- 
peared important :  Damietta  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Crusaders,  and  with  such  slaughter  of  the  infidels, 
writes  one  contemporary  chronicler,  that  the  Chris- 
tians themselves  regretted  it.  But  confusion  and  dis- 
cord  among  the  conquerors  soon   reduced   almost   to 


160      The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstaufen. 

nothing  the  good  of  the  victory,  and  it  became  every- 
day more  urgent  for  the  success  of  the  enterprise  that 
reinforcements  should  be  sent  and  a  definite  expedi- 
tion undertaken. 

Honorius  continued  to  insist  with  Frederick  that  he 
should  put  an  end  to  his  uncertainties  and  start  at 
last,  but  he  renewed  his  pretexts  from  month  to  month, 
till  the  Pope's  words  began  to  betray  some  bitterness  of 
feeling,  and  in  a  letter  of  the  I  st  of  October  I  2 1 9  he 
had  recourse  to  threats.  Two  other  terms  had  been 
fixed  for  his  departure,  said  the  Pope,  and,  far  from 
moving,  Frederick  had  not  even  made  the  slightest 
preparation.  It  was  time  to  make  haste  and  get 
ready,  for  who  could  say  but  God  reserved  for  him  the 
victorious  issue  of  an  enterprise  begun  so  long  before. 
Let  him  remember  his  grandfather  Barbarossa,  who  had 
concentrated  in  it  all  his  power.  Let  him  be  mindful 
that  unless  assistance  reached  them  soon,  the  Eastern 
Christians  were  in  imminent  risk  of  disaster.  He 
allowed  him  one  further  delay  till  the  day  of  St. 
Benedict  (March  21,  1220),  "but  do  not  slumber," 
he  admonished  with  mild  severity,  ' '  lest,  if  this  third 
term  pass  unheeded,  thou  incur  excommunication." 
They  were  serious  words,  of  which  Frederick,  not  yet 
crowned  Emperor,  well  understood  the  import,  and 
Honorius  reinforced  them  by  bidding  the  German 
bishops  declare  all  those  Crusaders  excommunicated 
who  by  St.  Benedict's  day  were  not  ready  to  fulfil 
their  vow. 

So  Frederick  felt  that  it  had  become  necessary  to 
return  to  Italy,  make  sure  of  the  imperial  crown,  and 
then   act    according  to   circumstances.      He   sent    on 


Honor/ us  III.  and  Frederick  IT.        161 

before  him  the  abbot  of  Fulda  to  announce  his  com- 
ing to  the  Pope,  who  was  still  at  Viterbo,  and  to  the 
Roman  senate,  whose  friendship  he  valued  all  the 
more  that  he  was  quite  determined  not  to  give  up  the 
kingdom  of  Sicily.  At  the  same  time,  in  Germany,  by 
making  great  concessions  to  the  clergy  and  flattering 
the  princes,  he  obtained  the  election  of  his  son  Henry 
as  King  of  the  Romans  on  the  1st  May  1220.  He 
did  not  immediately  send  word  of  this  to  Viterbo ; 
but  when  he  saw  the  Curia  was  perturbed  by  it,  he 
applied  himself  to  appeasing  Honorius  with  protests 
and  promises.  Henry's  election — so  he  wrote  from 
Nuremberg  in  the  following  Julv — had  occurred  with- 
out  his  knowledge,  although  he  admitted  having  vainly 
endeavoured  to  obtain  it  on  former  occasions.  He 
had  only  agreed  to  it  on  condition  that  the  Pope 
also  accepted  it.  He  quite  felt  that  the  Pope's  only 
reason  for  not  approving  of  this  election  was  his  un- 
willingness to  see  the  kingdom  of  Sicily  added  to  the 
Empire.  The  Church  must  try  to  banish  this  sus- 
picion, for  he  would  take  care  to  keep  them  separated 
in  every  way  possible,  and  would  prove  himself  such 
a  son  that  the  Apostolic  See  would  rejoice  at  having 
begotten  him ;  indeed  even  if  the  Church  had  not 
already  claims  on  the  kingdom,  and  he  were  to  die 
without  heirs,  he  would  rather  leave  it  to  the  Church 
than  to  the  Empire.  Honorius  accepted  both  excuses 
and  promises,  and  Frederick,  at  the  head  of  a  brilliant 
army,  and  accompanied  by  his  queen,  Constance  of 
Aragon,  entered  Italy  once  more. 

His  long  stay  in  Germany  by  no  means  meant  that 
Frederick  desired  to  remain  there  always,  or  preferred 
c.  h.  L 


\C)2      The  Popes  and  the  Hohexstaufen. 

it  as  a  reside n r<\  On  the  contrary,  he  cherished  the 
recollection  of  his  early  years  spent  in  sunny  Sicily, 
and  had  tried  to  settle  matters  in  Germany  so  that 
he  might  again  take  up  his  abode  at  Palermo,  and 
make  this  city  the  chief  centre  of  the  Empire.  He 
was  earning-  out  and  transforming  the  idea  of  his 
father  and  grandfather,  and  was  unconsciously  follow- 
ing the  development  of  the  times,  which  were  matur- 
ing  a  new  and  marvellous  civilisation.  For  Italy  was 
indeed  rapidly  unfolding  her  vital  power,  and  it  was 
so  exuberant,  so  powerful  and  daring,  as  to  fascinate 
Frederick's  ardent  and  vivacious  spirit.  But  it  was 
not  easy  to  make  really  his  this  Italy  which  pleased 
him  so  much,  and  whose  complex  and  manifold  life, 
especially  north  of  Rome,  was  broken  up  and  reflected 
in  that  of  so  many  cities,  cities  encouraged  by  the 
Popes  to  shake  off  the  imperial  yoke,  differing  in 
traditions,  interests,  and  politics,  desirous  of  liberty 
and  jealous  of  the  lords  whose  tyrannies  were  begin- 
ning to  blossom  out  of  the  democratic  discords.  The 
best  he  could  do  for  the  moment  was  to  cross  Italy 
in  a  conciliatory  spirit,  flattering  the  nobles  in  the 
north  and  encouraging  their  feudal  interests,  which 
in  Italy  were  always  useful  to  the  Empire ;  giving  as 
many  privileges  as  possible  to  friendly  cities,  avoid- 
ing those  whose  attitude  was  threatening,  like  Milan, 
which  he  did  not  go  near,  having  consequently  for 
the  present  to  renounce  the  iron  crown.  In  this 
manner  he  came  in  sight  of  the  Eternal  City  on  the 
14th  of  November  1220,  and  encamped  with  his  army 
on  the  heights  of  Monte  Mario. 

For  the   first  time  for  ages  a  man  born  in  Italy 


HONORIUS  III.    AND   FREDERICK  II.  1 63 

assumed  in  Eome  the  crown  of  the  Empire,  and  the 
Romans,  who  had  made  Otto  IV.  feel  the  weight 
of  their  republican  swords,  now  regarded  with  satis- 
faction the  new  lord  of  the  world,  who  showed  himself 
considerate  and  treated  them  with  deference.  After 
a  cordial  reception,  Honorius  crowned  him  and  Con- 
stance on  the  2  2d  of  November,  in  the  midst  of 
peaceful  demonstrations  on  the  part  of  the  Romans, 
in  the  presence  of  many  Italian  and  German  princes 
and  ambassadors  from  various  Italian  towns.  Also 
from  Sicily  many  barons  came  to  do  him  homage,  and 
were  gladly  received  by  him.  Frederick  had  succeeded 
in  becoming,  with  the  Pope's  consent,  both  King  of 
Sicily  and  Emperor.  In  return,  he  made  many  desired 
concessions,  and  promulgated  a  series  of  constitutions, 
which  included  the  extirpation  of  heresy,  unlimited 
protection  to  the  Church,  and  an  implicit  recogni- 
tion of  the  clergy's  independence  from  the  state. 
On  both  sides  such  concessions  had  been  made  as 
contained  in  themselves  the  germ  of  discord,  far 
exceeding,  as  they  did,  all  that  Church  and  Empire 
could  possibly  yield  ;  and  this  germ,  instead  of  wither- 
ing, was  destined  to  spring  up  stronger  in  conse- 
quence of  Frederick's  oath  to  proceed  on  the  crusade 
— an  oath  which  he  solemnly  renewed  in  St.  Peter's. 
Ugolino,  cardinal  of  Ostia,  received  his  oath,  and  did 
not  forget  it  later,  when  he  became  Pope  under  the 
name  of  Gregory  IX. 

Three  days  after  the  coronation  Frederick  left 
Ptome,  and  on  the  9th  of  December  entered  his 
kingdom,  which  had  suffered  during  his  absence 
and    was    in    great    confusion.      With    a   firm    hand 


164      The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstaufen. 

he  undertook  to  reorganise  it,  but  Lis  keen  eje 
as  legislator  and  politician  recognised  the  impossi- 
bility of  assimilating  Sicily  and  Germany,  and  in 
creating  a  new  code  of  laws  for  Sicily  lie  adapted  it 
to  the  people  for  whom  it  was  destined,  and  revived 
in  it  the  traditions  of  his  maternal  ancestors,  from 
whom  lie  inherited  the  beautiful  realm.  In  this 
way  he  showed  himself  disposed  to  separate  Sicily 
from  the  Empire,  while  in  reality  he  was  strengthen- 
ing the  bonds  where  most  he  wanted  them  to  be 
strong.  The  Sicilian  nobility,  always  factious  and 
ambitious,  had  usurped  a  large  part  of  the  ro}Tal 
goods  and  possessions  ;  but  he  not  only  took  back 
again  very  vigorously  what  had  been  usurped,  but 
very  much  weakened  the  usurpers  by  annulling  their 
chief  prerogatives  and  increasing  to  their  injury  the 
royal  authority.  Among  the  injured  nobles  was 
Richard,  Count  of  Sora,  Innocent's  brother,  who  had 
his  possessions  confiscated.  Many  barons  shut  them- 
selves up  in  their  castles  and  stood  out,  but  one 
after  another  they  were  subdued.  Some  retired  within 
the  patrimony  of  the  Church,  where  the  Pope  re- 
ceived them,  himself  discontented  with  Frederick 
for  having  imprisoned  some  bishops  as  inciting  to 
rebellion.  Honorius  had  raised  loud  complaints,  but 
the  Emperor  was  inflexible.  The  Saracens,  mean- 
time, had  remained  in  Sicily,  and  were  very  trouble- 
some by  reason  of  their  continual  depredations,  which 
made  them  a  serious  danger,  so  that  Frederick  crossed 
the  strait  determined  once  for  all  to  crush  them.  As 
before  in  Germany,  now  in  Italy  the  cares  of  state, 
so  manifold,   and   so  absorbing   all  his  faculties  and 


Hon  or  i  us  III.  and  Frederick  II.        165 

resources,  estranged  him  more  and  more  from  the 
thought  of  the  crusade,  for  which  Honorius  con- 
tinued equally  zealous,  and  now  renewed  his  entreaties 
and  threats.  Frederick  found  pretext  after  pretext 
to  excuse  his  delay,  and  added  even  further  conces- 
sions, among  which  a  decree  making  formal  restitu- 
tion of  the  Countess  Matilda's  possessions  to  the 
Church.  The  Pope,  however,  did  not  seem  much 
impressed  by  a  concession  which  the  municipal  life 
of  North  and  Central  Italy  rendered  somewhat  illu- 
sory, and  he  did  not  cease  to  insist  on  the  crusade 
and  reproach  him  for  his  delay.  Matters  were 
further  embittered  by  the  news  that  Damietta,  on 
the  8  th  of  September  1221,  had  fallen  again  into  the 
hands  of  the  infidels.  The  echo  of  this  misfortune 
sounded  sadly  throughout  Europe,  and  Honorius 
blamed  Frederick  bitterly  for  it,  accusing  his  slow- 
ness and  delay  of  being  the  cause  of  this  immense 
disaster. 

Frederick  felt  it  necessary  to  appease  the  Pope, 
through  whose  words  threats  of  anathema  began  to 
pierce.  In  the  spring  of  1222  Pope  and  Emperor 
had  an  interview  at  Veroli,  and  decided  to  hold  in 
November  a  general  congress  of  princes  at  Verona. 
There  the  time  should  be  settled  on  for  the  departure 
of  the  Christian  army,  which  Frederick  promised  to 
conduct  in  person.  But  this  same  promise  contained 
a  delay,  and  he  profited  by  it  to  return  to  Sicily  to 
fight  with  the  Saracens  and  subdue  them.  During 
that  time  the  Empress  Constance  died,  and  a  plan  was 
immediately  formed  for  uniting  the  widowed  Emperor 
to  Yolande,  daughter  of  John  of  Brienne,  and  titular 


1 66      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

heiress  to  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  The  Roman 
court  encouraged  an  idea,  which  might  incite  Frederick 
to  the  conquest  of  a  kingdom,  the  right  to  which 
would  come  to  him  as  his  wife's  dower;  so  the  Pope 
received  very  graciously  King  John  of  Brienne,  who 
happened  just  then  to  come  to  Rome.  But  some  fresh 
signs  of  discontent  among  the  Romans  threw  the  aged 
and  infirm  Honorius  into  his  old  anxieties,  and  this 
and  other  hindrances  combined  with  illness  prevented 
his  again  meeting  the  Emperor  till  the  spring  of  the 
following  year  1223.  This  meeting  no  longer  took 
place  at  Verona,  but  at  Ferentino  in  the  Campagna, 
and  there  Frederick  promised  on  oath  to  start  on  the 
24th  of  June  1225.  Damietta  having  already  fallen 
without  recall,  the  need  for  assistance  was  less  urgent, 
and  Frederick  held  that  two  years  were  absolutely  neces- 
sary for  a  peaceful  settlement  of  his  Italian  possessions 
and  to  prepare  ships  and  arms  for  so  great  an  enter- 
prise. Within  two  years  he  would  marry  Yolande  of 
Brienne,  to  whom  he  then  engaged  himself,  and  his 
father-in-law  would  meanwhile  go  through  Europe  ex- 
citing all  kings  to  join  the  crusade,  or  at  least  obtain- 
ing from  them  men  and  money. 

For  a  moment  it  really  appeared  as  if  Frederick  in- 
tended this  time  to  keep  his  promise,  for  he  began 
preparations  for  the  expedition,  and  joined  the  Pope 
in  striving  to  induce  other  sovereigns  to  share  in  it. 
But  he  also,  with  surprising  energy  and  statesmanship, 
devoted  himself  to  the  re-settlement  of  the  kingdom 
and  to  the  encouragement  of  commerce  and  industrv, 
founding  moreover  in  1224  with  great  magnificence  a 
university  at  Naples,  in  which  his  hopes  saw  a  future 


HONORIUS   III.    AND   FREDERICK  II.  1 67 

rival  to  the  democratic  Bologna  -with  its  Guelph  sym- 
pathies. Nothing  vexed  Frederick  more  than  the 
democracy  of  the  Northern  Italian  republics,  which 
opposed  all  his  ideas  of  absolute  government  with  far 
greater  effect  than  did  those  powerful  feudal  lords 
whom  in  Sicily  he  was  putting  down,  and  in  Germany 
he  was  obliged  to  tolerate.  Hence  he  paid  great 
attention  to  Lombard  affairs,  determined  as  far  as 
he  was  able  to  undermine  a  liberty  injurious  to  his 
power,  in  this  revealing  his  father's  and  grandfather's 
instincts  for  imperialism.  But  the  republics  did  not 
belie  their  instincts  either,  and,  in  spite  of  their  inter- 
nal quarrels,  felt  that  their  independence  was  the  con- 
dition of  their  existence.  Frederick  saw  that  to  leave 
them  to  increase  in  pride  and  prosperity  while  he  was 
engaged  in  distant  dangers  was  to  give  up,  perhaps  for 
ever,  all  hope  of  subduing  them ;  yet  it  would  probably 
be  difficult  to  bring  the  Pope  round  to  further  delays 
which  would  in  reality  serve  to  destroy  that  Lombard 
Guelphism,  which  the  Holy  See  had  always  cherished, 
even  when  most  peacefully  inclined  to  the  Empire. 

Fortune  favoured  Frederick.  The  courts  of  France 
and  England  showed  little  enthusiasm  for  the  crusade, 
while  in  Borne  new  seditions  had  broken  out,  which  had 
obliged  the  old  and  enfeebled  Honorius  to  fly,  and  had 
recalled  into  the  city  the  senator  Parentius,  who  had 
already  shown  himself  an  enemy  to  the  clergy.  In  this 
precarious  state  of  things,  Frederick  sent  to  the  Pope 
King  John  of  Brienne  and  the  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem. 
The  two  envoys  found  the  fugitive  Pontiff  at  Rieti. 
They  represented  to  him  the  state  of  things  in  Italy, 
the  indifference  of  other  princes,    the  necessity   of    a 


i6S      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

further  delay  in  order  to  ensure  success.  Honorius 
bowed  to  the  force  of  circumstances,  and  yielded  a  last 
time.  It  was  decided,  under  pain  of  excommunication, 
that  iu  August  1227  the  Emperor  should  absolutely 
depart  for  the  Holy  Land  with  a  hundred  transports 
and  fifty  galleys,  and  should  there  remain  fighting  for 
two  years  with  a  thousand  men-at-arms,  having  three 
horses  each ;  in  the  meantime  he  was  to  give  passage 
to  two  thousand  other  fighting  men.  In  the  town  of 
San  Germano  Frederick  solemnly  swore  to  these  con- 
ditions in  the  presence  of  two  cardinals  who  represented 
the  Pope. 

But  new  causes  of  discontent  soon  arose  between 
these  two  powers.  Honorius  wished  to  provide  for 
various  sees  vacant  in  the  kingdom  without  first  con- 
sulting Frederick,  confining  himself  to  asking  for  the 
bishops'  enthronement ;  but  Frederick,  jealous  of  the 
royal  prerogatives,  protested,  and  his  relations  with 
Eome  became  considerably  embittered.  Yolande  of 
Brienne  arrived  in  Italy,  and  at  Brindisi,  the  9th  of 
November  1225,  was  married  to  the  Emperor ;  but  even 
this  contributed  to  his  misunderstandings  with  Eome. 
King  John  of  Brienne,  discontented  at  Frederick's 
assuming  for  himself  the  title  of  King  of  Jerusalem 
without  any  regard  to  him,  began  to  accuse  him  in 
Borne  of  unfaithfulness  to  his  new  bride,  and  certainly 
Frederick's  dissolute  tendencies  gave  colour  to  the  accu- 
sation. Honorius  wrote  to  the  Emperor  reproaching 
him  with  his  neglect  of  his  father-in-law's  claims, 
wThich  might  injure  affairs  in  Palestine ;  and  on  John's 
leaving  his  son-in-law's  dominions,  the  Pope  received 
him  with  kindness,  and  intrusted  to  him  the  manage- 


Hoxorius  III.  and  Frederick  II.         i6g 

ment  of  some  portion,  of  the  Church's  patrimony.  Mis- 
trust and  irritation  between  Rome  and  Sicily  increased 
daily. 

During  this  time,  Frederick,  with  an  eye  to  Lombard 
affairs,  had  convoked  for  the  Easter  of  1226  a  great 
diet  to  be  held  at  Verona,  in  which  Italy  and  Germany 
were  to  be  represented.  But  the  Guelphs  and  Lom- 
bards were  awake,  and  their  cities,  aware  of  the 
danger,  began  to  cling  more  closely  together,  and  to 
renew  the  famous  league  which  had  held  out  against 
Frederick  Barbarossa.  Probably  more  or  less  direct 
encouragement  and  moral  support  came  from  Rome. 
Certainly  the  announcement  of  Frederick's  coming 
united  every  one,  and  promoted,  at  least  for  the  time, 
the  agreement  necessary  for  the  defence  of  their 
liberties.  The  Pope,  requested  by  Frederick  in  the 
interest  of  the  crusades,  wrote  to  remonstrate  with 
the  Lombards,  who  attended  but  little  to  him,  perhaps 
not  believing  him  to  be  in  earnest.  All  this  strength- 
ened Frederick's  suspicions  of  the  Curia,  and  in  March 
1226,  collecting  an  army  at  Pescara,  he  marched  into 
the  duchy  of  Spoleto,  under  the  pretext  of  levying 
troops  who  should  accompany  him  into  Lombardy. 
The  inhabitants  refused,  unless  they  had  orders  from 
the  Pope,  whose  subjects  they  claimed  to  be ;  and 
over  this  Honorius  and  Frederick  wrangled  while  the 
Lombards  collected  their  forces  and  ratified  the  League. 
From  Spoleto  Frederick,  avoiding  Faenza  and  Bologna, 
which  were  absolutely  hostile,  moved  on  towards  Cre- 
mona, but  slowly,  in  order  to  give  his  son  Henry  time 
to  reach  him  there  from  Germany  with  the  strength 
of  the  army ;   and  Henry  did  get  as  far  as  Trent,  but 


170      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstavfen. 

could  not  pass  the  locks  of  the  Adige,  guarded  by 
the  Veronese,  so  that  after  some  useless  waiting  he 
had  to  return.  Frederick  held  the  diet  at  Cremona, 
but  it  was  attended  by  few  Lombard  cities.  From 
the  small  number  of  his  supporters  present  he  could 
calculate  how  numerous  his  absent  enemies  were,  and 
recognise  the  need  of  prudence  ;  so,  after  placing  the 
cities  of  the  League  under  the  ban  of  the  Empire, 
he  retired  to  Apulia,  and  had  recourse  to  the  Pope  as 
mediator  between  him  and  the  Lombards. 

He  did  not  hope  much  from  the  mediation,  but  it 
gave  him  an  opportunity  for  gaining  time,  and  might 
draw  the  Pope  over  to  his  own  interests  and  create 
reasons  for  fresh  delay.  Meanwhile,  to  regain  the 
Pope's  good- will,  he  sent  into  Asia  four  hundred  men- 
at-arms,  and  also  yielded  in  the  question  of  the  bishops, 
admitting  them  to  their  sees  without  further  oppo- 
sition. The  Lombard  cities,  on  their  side,  were  not 
opposed  to  papal  mediation,  from  which  they  looked 
for  favour ;  so  they  sent  their  representatives  to  Rome, 
while  the  Emperor's  plenipotentiaries  were  the  arch- 
bishops of  Reggio  in  Calabria  and  of  Tyre,  with  the 
Grand  Master  of  the  Teutonic  Order.  Honorius,  being 
very  anxious  to  obtain  the  peace  necessary  for  the  in- 
terests of  the  crusade,  pronounced  on  the  5  th  of  January 
1227  the  sentence  of  arbitration.  The  Emperor  was 
to  give  free  pardon  to  all  Lombard  cities  and  nobles 
who  had  joined  the  League ;  he  annulled  every  sen- 
tence against  them,  and  especially  that  which  abolished 
the  Studio  of  Bologna,  that,  however,  had  remained 
without  effect ;  the  prisoners  taken  on  both  sides  were 
to    be    returned ;    the    Guelph    cities   were    to    make 


HONORIUS   III.    AND   FREDERICK  II.  I J  I 

peace  with  the  Ghibellines,  and  to  furnish  to  the 
Emperor  for  two  years,  at  their  own  expense,  four 
hundred  men-at-arms  for  the  crusade.  The  imperial 
decrees  against  heretics  were  put  in  vigour,  and  every 
act  contrary  to  ecclesiastical  liberty  was  revoked.  The 
Emperor,  who  was  at  that  moment  powerless  for  oppo- 
sition, agreed  to  everything,  but  with  the  firm  inten- 
tion of  breaking  the  peace  as  soon  as  possible.  Thn 
Lombard  cities  also  approved,  though  without  dissolv- 
ing the  League  or  loosening  the  ties  which  gave  them 
strength.  The  pious  Honorius  flattered  himself  that 
he  had  secured  peace.  Encouraged  by  this  hope,  he 
sent  his  legates  throughout  Europe  to  rouse  up  every 
one  to  that  sacred  undertaking,  which  had  been  the 
aspiration  of  his  ten  years'  pontificate,  but  his  efforts 
were  suddenly  interrupted  by  death  on  the  1 8th  of 
March  1227. 


172 


CHAPTER    XI. 

(1227-1230.) 

GREGORY  IX.  AND  THE  CRUSADE  —  FIRST  CON- 
TENTIONS WITH  FREDERICK  II.  UP  TO  THE 
PEACE  OF  SAN  GERM  A  NO. 

The  pontificate  of  Honorius  had,  on  the  whole,  been 
favourable  to  the  Emperor ;  and  the  gentle  disposi- 
tion of  that  Pope,  in  spite  of  many  grounds  of  com- 
plaint, had  never  belied  the  good-will  which  as  car- 
dinal he  had  shown  the  youthful  Frederick.  Ugo- 
lino,  cardinal  of  Ostia,  who  succeeded  him  under 
the  name  of  Gregory  IX.,  was  of  a  temper  little  dis- 
posed to  tolerance,  and  was  resolved  to  conquer  the 
Emperor's  reluctance  regarding  the  Holy  Land, 
towards  which  his  thoughts  persistently  turned. 
Nephew  of  Innocent  III.,  he  owed  to  him  his  first 
promotion,  had  earned  great  weight  in  the  councils 
of  Honorius,  and  was  made  use  of  by  him  in  many 
difficult  missions,  especially  in  Germany  and  Italy, 
for  the  cause  of  the  Cross.  Matthew  Paris  depicts 
him  as  extremely  aged,  but  facts  do  not  appear  to 
bear  out  his  assertion,  which  has  been  recently  ques- 
tioned, and  certainly  the  determined  vigour  of  his 
pontificate   betrays   no   sign   of   senility.       He   was   a 


Gregory  IX.  173 

man  of  lively  faith,  of  great  ardour ;  he  was  expe- 
rienced in  business,  and  had  in  his  long  and  fre- 
quent journeys  come  in  contact  with  the  principal  men 
in  Italy  and  Germany.  In  his  youth  he  had,  like 
his  uncle  Innocent,  imbibed  much  of  his  learning 
at  Paris  and  Bologna,  and  had  had  for  his  master 
in  jurisprudence  the  celebrated  Gratianus,  whose 
famous  collection  he  was  later,  when  Pope,  to  incor- 
porate in  those  decretals  which  still  bear  the  name 
of  Gregory  IX.  With  a  quick  perception  of  possible 
advantage  to  the  Church,  he  had  drawn  near  to  St. 
Dominic  and  St.  Francis,  had  encouraged  them  in 
founding  their  famous  orders,  and  had  helped  in  the 
diffusion  of  them,  as  if  foreseeing  all  the  services 
which  they  would  render  him  later  in  Europe  and 
the  East. 

He  was  on  good  terms  with  Frederick,  with  whom 
he  had  had  frequent  dealings  when  cardinal.  On 
his  election,  Frederick  wrote  to  congratulate  him, 
and  he  began  by  showing  himself  very  friendly,  and 
urged  the  Lombards  to  be  punctual  in  fulfilling  the 
conditions  determined  on  by  the  arbitration  of  his 
predecessor.  But  the  friendliness  was  not  unmixed 
with  suspicion,  and  in  his  very  first  letters  he  re- 
minded Frederick  of  the  engagement  he  had  entered 
into  in  taking  the  cross,  and  of  the  absolute  neces- 
sity of  his  keeping  it  unless  he  meant  to  force  the 
Church  to  break  with  him,  putting  himself  there- 
by into  difficulties  from  which  the  Pope,  however 
anxious  to  do  so,  would  be  unable  to  extricate  him. 
He  also  sent  him  a  brother  of  the  new  ord^r  of  the 
preachers  to  stir  him  up  and  persuade  him  to  come 


174      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

to  a  decision,  and  at  the  same  time  he  was  writing  to 
the  kings  of  France  and  England,  and  to  all  the  bishops 
of  Christendom,  insisting  on  the  long-delayed  crusade. 
Frederick's    position   had    become    serious.      He    was 
bound   by   his    repeated    oaths    as  in  the   coils   of   a 
serpent.      He    could    not    shake    them   off,   and    had 
freely    accepted    the    condition    of    excommunication 
if,   by  the   approaching  August,  he  had   not  set   sail 
for  the   East.      Nor  at   that   moment   could   he  find 
pretexts  for  delay,  as  German  affairs  were   tolerably 
quiet,  and  it  was  not  possible  to  break  off  suddenly 
the  peace  just  agreed  to  with  the  Lombards,  however 
much  he  disliked  it.      There  was  nothing  for  it  but 
to  yield.     So  that  while  at  Gregory's  request  he  was 
supplying   with    Sicilian    corn   Eome,   then    suffering 
from   dearth  of   provisions,  his   son  King  Henry  was 
holding    a    diet    in    Germanv  to   invite   the   German 
crusaders  to  collect  at  Brindisi,  and  after  many  other 
preparations    Frederick    was    able     in    the    June     of 
1227  to  announce  to  the  Pope  that  his  departure  was 
at  hand. 

Gregory  was  rejoiced  beyond  measure,  and  did  all 
he  could  to  promote  a  numerous  concourse  at  Brin- 
disi of  crusaders  from  all  directions,  and  the  Germans 
responded  eagerly  to  the  call  under  the  leadership  of 
Lewis,  Landgrave  of  Thuringia,  and  the  Bishop  of 
Augsburg.  But  the  crowding  together  in  a  small 
space,  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  the  stifling  aud  un- 
healthy climate,  told  upon  the  troops,  who  suffered  from 
a  raging  mortality,  and  as  a  consequence  there  arose  a 
panic  among  the  survivors,  who  began  to  waver  and 
disperse.    Frederick  on  arriving  at  Brindisi  from  Sicily, 


Gregory  IX.  175 

and  seeing  the  dismay  continually  increase,  hastened  to 
embark  the  troops.  He  himself  sailed  from  Brindisi 
on  the  3th  of  September  1227,  and  it  appeared  as  if 
at  length  his  vow  was  to  be  fulfilled.  But  hardly  had 
the  anchor  been  weighed  when  sickness  broke  out 
among  the  soldiers,  not  sparing  the  leaders,  the  Land- 
grave of  Thuringia  and  the  Bishop  of  Augsburg  being 
smitten  by  it.  Frederick  himself  was  seized  with  fever, 
and  under  the  impression  that  he  could  not  bear  the 
voyage,  he  returned  three  days  after  he  embarked  and 
landed  at  Otranto,  while  the  greater  part  of  his  men 
pursued  their  journey. 

When  the  news  reached  Gregory  at  Anagni,  great 
was  his  wrath  and  sorrow,  and  he  did  not  restrain  his 
feelings.  He  saw  the  destruction  of  all  his  dearest 
hopes  at  the  very  moment  when  they  seemed  fulfilled, 
and  the  disappointment  revived  his  invincible  mistrust 
of  Frederick ;  nay,  more,  gave  him  the  certainty  that 
he  was  deceiving  the  Church  and  had  betrayed  her  in 
every  act.  Frederick  vainly  tried  to  excuse  himself, 
alleging  the  unexpected  illness  which  forced  him  to 
return ;  the  Pope  would  not  believe  him.  On  St. 
Michael's  day  in  the  chief  church  of  Anagni,  sur- 
rounded by  cardinals  and  a  large  number  of  clergy, 
Gregory  declared  Frederick  to  have  fallen  under  that 
very  sentence  which  he  himself  at  San  Germano  had 
invoked  upon  his  own  head,  and  solemnly  laid  him 
under  the  ban  of  the  Church. 

This  terrible  decision  was  announced  to  bishops  and 
princes  in  a  letter  admirable  for  its  precision  and  force 
of  language.  In  it  Gregory  reviewed  the  whole  of 
Frederick's  history,  from  the  day  when  he  of  his  own 


i'/6      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

accord  took  the  vow  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  without  any  pres- 
sure, or  even  knowledge  on  the  part  of  the  Church.  He 
had  renewed  his  vow  on  assuming  the  imperial  crown, 
and  on  several  other  occasions,  invoking  excommunica- 
tion upon  himself  if  he  failed  to  fulfil  his  engagement ; 
and  now,  continued  Gregory,  see  how  he  has  kept 
his  word !  Vainly  admonished  by  Honorius  III.  and 
himself,  he  had  prepared  nothing  for  the  armed  masses 
who  were  to  congregate  at  Brindisi  for  the  expedition, 
and  when  they,  trusting  in  his  promises,  had  presented 
themselves  at  the  tryst,  they  found  themselves  without 
every  necessary  of  life,  in  the  hottest  part  of  summer, 
in  a  deadly  and  fever-stricken  air,  and  had  died  in 
multitudes,  plebeians  and  nobles  alike.  Then,  when 
they  had  at  last  sailed,  he  had  deserted  them  in  the 
most  cowardly  manner,  returning  to  the  delights  of  his 
realm  and  making  frivolous  excuses  of  illness.  Thus 
the  Church  had  been  betrayed  by  the  son  whom  she 
had  cherished,  and  from  whom  she  had  already,  for 
the  sake  of  this  holy  enterprise,  endured  patiently  and 
in  silence  many  offences  and  serious  injuries.  This 
grieved  her  much,  but  still  greater  was  her  sorrow  for 
the  Christian  army  destroyed,  not  by  the  swords  of 
the  enemy,  but  by  these  calamities,  and  for  the  rem- 
nant abandoned  without  a  leader  to  the  stormy  sea, 
and  drifting  no  one  knew  whither,  with  little  profit  to 
the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and  without  its  being  even  in  his 
(the  Pope's)  power  to  console  and  succour  them. 

Gregory  ended  by  announcing  the  excommunica- 
tion of  the  Emperor,  expressing  at  the  same  time 
a  hope  that  he  would  repent  and  amend  the  error  of 
his  ways.      Frederick  then  sent  envoys  to  justify  his 


Gregory  IX.  177 

conduct  to  the  Pope,  who  had  returned  to  Borne.  But 
Gregory  stood  firm  though  he  did  answer  him,  remind- 
ing him  once  more  of  the  many  grounds  for  discon- 
tent, and,  with  all  the  diplomatic  skill  of  Rome,  grafting 
on  to  the  lamentations  regarding  the  Holy  Land  new 
complaints  of  many  of  Frederick's  acts  relating  to  the 
Sicilian  kingdom.  So  things  grew  more  and  more  com- 
plicated, and  an  understanding  between  them  became 
more  difficult.  Frederick,  finding  every  effort  to  appease 
the  Pope  was  vain,  took  up  the  same  complaining  tone 
in  self-defence,  addressing  himself  to  the  European 
princes,  and  bitterly  accusing  the  unrestrained  ambi- 
tion of  the  Popes,  which  intruded  itself  everywhere, 
and  had  such  a  thirst  for  universal  power  as  left  no 
crown  secure  of  its  authority.  Now  the  Pope  was 
turning  against  the  head  of  the  Empire.  It  was  per- 
fectly false  that  he  had  interrupted  his  voyage  for 
frivolous  motives.  He  appealed  to  God.  The  Curia 
had  become  a  den  of  ravening  wolves  ;  its  legates  greedy 
of  gold,  contemptible,  puffed  up  with  vain  knowledge, 
desirous  of  power ;  whereas  once  on  a  time  the  primi- 
tive Church,  peopled  by  saints,  had  shone  through  its 
simplicity  and  contempt  of  all  worldly  greatness.  The 
walls  of  the  sacred  temple  were  perhaps  about  to 
crumble  on  their  insufficient  foundations ;  let  the 
princes  meantime  be  ready  to  oppose  such  avarice  and 
iniquity. 

With  these  letters  a  new  era  of  struggle  was  open- 
ing out  between  the  Empire  and  the  Papacy,  and  in 
Frederick's  words  we  catch  glimpses  of  a  new  feeling, 
indicating  a  change  in  the  way  of  regarding  the  Church 
and  in  the  manner  of  opposing  her.  We  need  not 
C.  H.  M 


17S      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufex. 

see  in  them,  as  others  have  seen,  a  real  presage  of 
the  Reformation,  but  rather — unconscious,  perhaps, 
and  instinctive — that  spirit  of  critical  and  disparag- 
ing research  which  caused  heresy  at  that  time  to  be 
springing  up  everywhere  close  to  the  seraphic  ardours 
of  the  friar  of  Assisi  and  the  austere  visions  of  St. 
Dominic.  And  here,  on  the  threshold  of  this  new 
contest,  it  is  well  to  note  the  fact.  Frederick  was 
never  moved  by  that  mystic  and  reforming  spirit 
which,  in  different  ways  and  with  different  motives, 
stirred  before  him  Arnold  of  Brescia,  and  later  Martin 
Luther  and  Savonarola.  By  secret  paths,  unknown 
to  him  and  little  known  to  us,  his  thought  attached 
itself  to  antiquity  and  to  the  East,  and  Dante  knew 
well  what  he  was  saying  when  he  placed  him,  among 
other  great  men  of  his  time,  down  in  the  uncovered 
graves  where  his  powerful  imagination  placed  the  fol- 
lowers of  Epicurus — "  Che  l'anima  col  corpo  rnorta 
fanno." 

Having  come  to  this  rupture  with  the  Pope,  Frede- 
rick tried  in  every  way  to  create  hindrances  for  him, 
so  as  to  make  him  less  formidable  ;  and  he  began  to 
flatter  the  Roman  nobles,  and  especially  drew  over 
the  Frangipani  by  gifts  and  concessions.  In  the 
city  there  had  already  crept  in  some  discontent  with 
Gregory,  whose  authority  was  rather  burdensome, 
and  of  this  the  imperial  party  took  advantage  to  raise 
troubles.  On  the  27th  of  March  1 22 8,  the  Pope,  at 
the  celebration  of  mass  at  St.  Peter's,  began  a  violent 
sermon  against  Frederick ;  but  he  was  interrupted 
furiously  by  the  Ghibellines,  and  torn  amidst  insults 
from  the  altar.      He  had  to  fly,  and  wandered  among 


Gregory  IX.  179 

the  cities  of  Sabina  and  Umbria,  till  lie  took  refuge 
at  Perugia,  where  he  remained  about  two  years,  but 
did  not  spend  his  exile  in  idleness.  He,  too,  profited 
by  the  old  rebels  of  Sicily,  trying  to  instigate  them  to 
new  revolts  and  new  conspiracies  against  Frederick. 
Thus  Pope  and  Emperor,  holding  all  means  fair  in  war, 
lowered  themselves  to  plotting  intrigues  against  each 
other  in  the  dark. 

But  Frederick  II.  was  not  a  man  to  lose  himself  in 
these  small  squabbles,  and  while  using  them  as  means 
to  his  end,  he  kept  clearly  in  view  the  high  policy  of 
the  Empire,  which  was  at  war  with  a  policy  not  less 
wide  in  its  scope.  For  him  to  have  remained  now  in 
Europe  under  the  imputation  of  having  deserted  his 
soldiers  would  have  been  both  ignominious  and  a  tri- 
umph to  the  Papacy  and  the  Guelph  party,  which  was 
already  too  powerful  in  Lombardy.  It  was  best  by  a 
brilliant  stroke  to  disprove  the  accusation,  to  force  the 
Pope  to  silence,  and  to  conciliate  him  anew  after  having 
diminished  his  authority  and  prestige.  He  began  by 
insisting  that  he  had  really  wished  to  go  to  the 
crusade,  and  that  he  still  intended  to  do  so,  and  his 
declarations,  sent  about  everywhere,  were  read  also 
publicly  in  Koine  on  the  Capitol  by  the  consent  of  the 
senate,  who  favoured  him.  Under  pressure  from  the 
Pope,  many  bishops  of  the  kingdom  had  published  the 
bull  of  excommunication,  and  the  churches  were  com- 
ing under  the  interdict  when  Frederick  gave  the  most 
stringent  orders  that  the  sanctuaries  should  be  all 
opened,  and  by  threats  of  confiscation  he  obtained 
obedience  from  the  clergy,  who  perhaps  regarded  the 
papal   severity   as  excessive.      Then,  having   sent  five 


i So      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

hundred  more  knights  to  the  East  under  his  marshal, 
Wi chard,  he  convoked  a  great  parliament  of  the  barons 
of  the  realm  at  Bari,  as  many  and  various  difficulties 
had  hindered  another  and  larger  meeting  which  he  had 
previously  called  at  Eavenna.  In  this  meeting  he 
arranged  everything  for  shortly  betaking  himself  to 
the  Holy  Land,  and  this  sort  of  testament  was  of 
greater  importance,  because  not  long  before  the  Em- 
press Yolande  had  died  at  the  birth  of  a  son,  whom  he 
had  called  Conrad,  so  that  in  case  of  his  own  death  there 
was  no  dearth  of  heirs  to  the  kingdom.  His  subjects 
were  to  live  during  his  absence  in  peace  under  the 
laws  prevailing  in  the  time  of  the  good  King  William, 
and  under  the  regency  of  Rainald,  Duke  of  Spoleto. 
Were  the  Emperor  to  die,  he  named  as  his  successor 
in  the  Empire  and  the  kingdom  his  first-born,  Henry, 
and  should  Henry  die  without  heirs,  the  lately-born  son 
Conrad.  An  oath  to  observe  these  and  other  disposi- 
tions was  taken  by  the  Duke  of  Spoleto,  called  to  the 
regency,  the  Grand  Justiciary  Henry  of  Morra,  and 
other  barons  ;  then  some  time  after,  Frederick,  embark- 
ing at  Brindisi,  started  for  Palestine,  this  time  in  real 
earnest. 

Gregory  IX.  saw  in  his  departure  only  contempt 
for  papal  authority  and  anathemas,  and  his  wrath 
increased.  Forgetting  that  concord  was  indispens- 
able for  the  success  of  the  expedition,  he,  instead 
of  proposing  terms  for  the  absolution  of  the  infidel 
crusader,  hurled  maledictions  after  him,  and  openly 
exerted  himself  to  raise  difficulties  for  him  in  the 
East  and  to  oppose  him  in  the  kingdom  of  Sicily — 
an  unpardonable  error,   equally   fatal   to   the   crusade 


Gregory  IX.  1S1 

and  to  Italy.  Frederick  arrived  in  Asia,  preceded 
by  a  great  reputation  and  esteemed  by  the  Saracens 
as  powerful,  wise,  and  magnanimous  above  all  the 
other  monarchs  of  the  Empire,  while  among  their 
own  princes  there  was  much  discord,  of  which  advan- 
tage might  have  been  taken  both  in  the  operations 
of  war  and  in  the  negotiations  for  peace.  He  was  at 
first  received  with  joy  at  Ptolemais,  where  he  had 
landed  in  the  September  of  1228,  and  all  expected 
the  papal  absolution  to  arrive  soon  after  him  ;  instead 
of  which,  two  Franciscans  came  from  Perugia  bear- 
ing the  confirmation  of  the  sentence,  and  forbidding 
all  to  share  in  his  counsels  or  his  undertakings.  A 
sudden  chill  fell  upon  every  one.  The  Patriarch,  the 
clergy,  the  Knights  Templars,  and  many  Lombard 
and  English  crusaders  fell  off  from  him  ;  the  Vene- 
tians hesitated ;  the  only  ones  to  remain  faithful  were 
the  Pisans  and  Genoese,  his  own  German  and  Sicilian 
soldiers,  and  the  Teutonic  knights. 

In  spite  of  this,  Frederick  moved  forward  reso- 
lutely towards  Jerusalem  with  as  many  as  would 
accompany  him,  while  the  others  followed  him  at 
a  distance  as  if  under  a  spell,  unwilling  to  desert 
him,  and  not  daring  to  join  him  in  the  face  of  the 
papal  prohibition.  When  threatened  along  their 
route  by  the  Sultan  of  Damascus,  it  became  neces- 
sary to  unite,  that  their  division,  in  the  presence  of 
the  enemy,  might  not  lead  to  a  disaster.  Frederick 
tried  in  every  way  to  gain  over  his  rebellious  fol- 
lowers, but  they  met  him  with  sullen  resistance,  and 
he  was  forced  to  have  recourse  to  an  expedient  very 
bitter  to  his  pride, — furling   the   imperial    standard, 


1 82      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaueen. 

and  taking  1he  vasrae  title  of  head  of  the  Christian 
republic.  Thus  reunited  and  in  at  least  apparent 
harmony,  the  crusaders  resumed  their  suspended 
march,  and  on  the  15th  of  November  1228  arrived 
at  Joppa,  where  they  fortified  themselves.  But 
even  when  united  the  Christian  forces  were  scanty 
in  comparison  with  those  of  the  Moslems,  among 
whose  princes,  however,  discord  reigned,  though 
unfortunately  they  were  not  ignorant  of  the  mis- 
understanding between  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor. 
This  latter  received,  meanwhile,  melancholy  tidings 
from  his  kingdom,  where  his  return  was  invoked. 
His  position  was  one  of  danger ;  the  Pope  with  his 
anathemas  was  weakening  him,  and  he  was  sur- 
rounded by  lukewarm  friends  and  underhand  enemies  ; 
while,  were  the  Saracens  for  a  moment  to  forget 
their  private  animosities,  all  might  be  lost  for  ever. 
Profiting  by  the  admiration  of  these  Orientals,  whom 
he  himself,  free  from  any  Christian  fanaticism,  warmly 
admired,  he  had  from  the  beginning  entered  into 
communication  with  them,  in  order,  if  possible,  to 
reach  by  means  of  treaty  the  object  which  seemed  un- 
attainable by  force  of  arms.  These  negotiations,  after 
being  interrupted,  were  resumed,  and  peace  was  con- 
cluded with  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  who  showed  a  more 
pliant  disposition  from  the  fear  that  Frederick  would 
assist  a  nephew  of  his  who  was  threatening  rebellion. 
In  the  capitulation  agreed  to,  besides  a  truce  of  ten 
years  and  the  liberation  of  all  prisoners,  the  Sultan 
gave  up  the  towns  of  Jerusalem,  Bethlehem,  Nazareth, 
Said,  and  many  other  cities  and  castles,  only  reserv- 
ing for  himself  the   custody  of  the  temple  at  Jerusa- 


Gregory  IX.  183 

lem  and  the  privilege  for  the  Saracens  to  worship  in 
it  as  freely  as  the  Christians.  The  sceptical  and 
excommunicated  Emperor  had  reached  a  goal  before 
which  the  forces  of  the  most  powerful  European  mon- 
archs  had  long  been  repulsed,  and  the  religious 
ardour  of  infinite  multitudes  had  exhausted  themselves 
in  vain. 

Strangely  enough,  success  reached  by  this  channel 
increased  the  Pope's  irritation,  as  he  thought  the 
Church  was  entirely  excluded  from  all  merit  in  the 
deliverance  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre — a  deliverance,  too, 
but  partial,  as  the  infidels  could  still  cross  its  threshold 
and  defile  it  with  their  impure  prayers.  Even  the 
Eastern  clergy  were  ill  satisfied  with  the  results,  impo- 
tent though  they  had  been  to  obtain  better  ones ;  and 
without  having  in  any  way  assisted  Frederick,  now 
they  accused  him  of  not  having  done  enough,  and 
seconded  the  Pope  in  his  merciless  system  of  persecu- 
tion. Frederick  behaved  with  moderation.  He  felt 
he  had  obtained  all  that  was  possible,  and  had  freed 
himself  before  the  world  from  the  vow  which  had 
weighed  upon  him  so  heavily  for  so  many  years.  On 
the  17th  of  March  1229  he  entered  the  Holy  City 
with  great  pomp,  but  no  prelate  had  courage  the  next 
day  to  celebrate  mass  before  him  or  to  crown  him. 
The  papal  ban  was  suspended  over  his  head,  but 
Frederick,  with  prudent  dignity,  did  not  meet  it  with 
violence.  Entering  the  crowded  temple,  he  stepped  to 
the  altar,  stripped  of  its  sacred  ornaments,  and,  taking 
the  crown,  placed  it  himself  on  his  own  head  without 
any  priestly  benediction.  The  army  was  irritated 
with  the   Church,  and  its  indignation  found  an  echo 


1S4      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

in  Germany  and  Italy,  where  it  was  murmured  that 
the  Pope  had  been  the  ruin  of  a  glorious  enterprise. 
As  a  contemporary  chronicler  on  the  imperial  side 
says :  "It  seems  probable  that  had  the  Emperor  gone 
in  the  peace  and  grace  of  the  Roman  Church,  the 
expedition  to  the  Holy  Land  would  have  prospered  far 
better."  On  returning  from  Jerusalem  to  Ptolemais, 
Frederick  found  a  still  worse  reception,  and  much 
sedition  fomented  by  the  minor  friars  and  the  Domi- 
nicans, who  went  on  preaching  against  him,  and  whom 
he  in  his  bitterness  ordered  to  be  flogged.  His  chief 
enemy  was  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  who  fomented 
the  Pope's  wrath  and  instigated  the  fresh  auathema 
pronounced  against  him  for  having  concluded  an 
execrable  peace.  Frederick,  anxious  to  return  to  his 
kingdom,  and  to  combat  his  great  adversary  on  closer 
terms,  finally  left  Asia  at  the  beginning  of  May  1229, 
and  on  the  10th  of  June  was  again  in  Apulia.  He 
left  behind  him  an  unfavourable  impression  among 
the  Christians,  but  a  greatly  increased  reputation 
among  the  infidels,  to  whom  he  had  often  shown  such 
kindness  as  enabled  his  opponents  to  accuse  him  of 
impiety. 

The  affairs  of  the  kingdom,  and  indeed  of  the  whole 
peninsula,  were  in  great  confusion.  In  Northern  Italy 
the  Guelphs,  encouraged  by  the  repeated  excommuni- 
cation of  the  Emperor,  had  increased  in  daring  against 
the  Ghibellines,  and  the  country  was  inflamed  by  fac- 
tions. In  the  kingdom,  Rainald,  titular  Duke  of  Spo- 
leto,  as  the  Emperor's  vicar  during  his  absence,  had 
begun  by  putting  down  certain  nobles  encouraged  by 
Rome  to  rebel.      John    of   Brienne,   the    now   hostile 


Gregory  IX.  185 

father-in-law  of  the  Emperor  and  leader  of  the  papal 
troops,  threateningly  approached  the  frontier,  till 
Eainald,  taking  the  offensive,  passed  it  and  entered 
the  duchy  of  Spoleto  and  the  March  of  Ancona  with 
his  soldiers,  including  the  Saracens  of  Lucera,  who, 
pushing  on,  did  havoc  to  as  many  priests  as  they  could 
lay  hands  on.  Gregory  IX.,  having  excommunicated 
Eainald,  raised  a  great  army,  called  in  the  Guelphs 
of  Lombardy  and  Central  Italy  to  assist,  and  poured 
all  these  forces  into  the  kingdom  in  order  to  force 
Eainald  to  leave  the  Marche.  Thus  the  seat  of  war 
was  again  removed  thither,  and  that  fair  and  unhappy 
realm  was  devastated  with  fire  and  pillage  by  bands  of 
men  calling  themselves  "Clavesignati,"  from  the  keys  of 
St.  Peter,  which  they  wore  on  their  breast.  In  spite 
of  the  imperialists'  efforts,  they  made  great  progress, 
advancing  into  the  interior,  taking  possession  of  many 
towns,  and  throwing  the  whole  country  into  disorder. 

Things  were  in  this  troubled  state  when  Frederick 
landed  at  Brindisi,  and  his  presence  alone  sufficed  to 
change  the  whole  aspect  of  affairs.  The  ' '  Clavesignati " 
drew  back  and  recrossed  the  Volturno,  while  Frederick, 
uniting  the  returning  crusaders  to  such  troops  as  had 
remained  faithful  to  him  in  the  kingdom,  quickly 
collected  a  good  army.  But  before  proceeding  against 
the  pontifical  soldiers  he  tried  once  more  to  prevail  on 
the  Pope  to  accept  peace,  and  for  this  purpose  sent  to 
him  the  Archbishop  of  Eeggio  and  Bari,  the  Grand 
Master  of  the  Teutonic  Knights,  and  the  Count  of  Malta. 
Gregory  only  replied  by  a  repetition  of  his  interdicts, 
and  Frederick  moved  on  his  troops.  The  war,  conducted 
with  great   vigour,   was   favourable   to   him    and    the 


1S6      The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstavfex. 

soldiers  of  the  Church  were  very  soon  disbanded,  and 
almost  all  driven  back  beyond  the  Garigliano.  It  was 
in  vain  that  Gregory,  undismayed  by  the  defeat  of 
his  champions,  heaped  up  anathemas,  proclaimed  the 
Emperor's  downfall,  and  had  recourse  to  the  bishops  of 
Europe  for  men  and  money.  The  fortune  of  war  con- 
tinued to  smile  on  Frederick,  and  Gregory  soon  felt  it 
necessary  to  incline  towards  peace. 

And  peace  indeed  was  also  desired  by  the  Emperor, 
for  on  account  of  this  quarrel  with  the  Pope,  his  well- 
considered  expedition  to  Palestine,  instead  of  benefiting 
him,  was  brought  up  against  him  as  a  crime.  He  also 
recognised  the  indifferent  attitude  of  the  European 
princes,  while  there  could  be  no  doubt  of  the  threaten- 
ing signs  which  darkened  the  horizon  in  North  Italy 
and  Germany.  He  therefore  called  before  him  to 
Capua  some  German  princes  and  bishops,  who,  after 
receiving  his  instructions,  went  to  see  the  Pope,  and 
they  had  from  him  a  kindly  welcome,  first  at  Perugia 
and  afterwards  in  Rome ;  for  about  that  time  the 
Romans,  alarmed  by  inundations  and  disease,  recalled 
the  Pontiff,  whom  nearly  three  years  previously  they 
had  threatened  and  driven  into  exile. 

The  negotiations  lingered  on,  beset  with  difficulties, 
but  at  last,  in  July  1230,  they  came  to  a  satisfactory 
conclusion,  leaving  open  only  one  question  regarding 
the  cities  of  Gaeta  and  Sant'  Agata,  which  Frederick 
wanted  back  and  the  Pope  was  disinclined  to  yield. 
The  matter  was  left  to  arbitration,  and  was  to  be 
decided  within  a  year.  As  for  the  rest,  Frederick 
pardoned  all  those  who  had  fought  against  him,  made 
restitution  to  the  Church  of  all  her  territories,  and  of 


Gregory  IX.  1S7 

all  their  possessions  to  the  convents,  recalled  to  their 
sees  all  the  bishops  he  had  excluded,  promised  the 
clergy  exemption  from  collects  and  impositions,  free- 
dom of  election,  and  independence  from  secular  judges. 
Prelates,  barons,  and  communes  chosen  by  the  Pope 
guaranteed  the  fulfilment  of  these  obligations,  sworn  to 
by  the  Emperor,  who  finally  received  absolution  at  San 
Germano  in  the  Pope's  name.  Thus,  while  forced  by 
Frederick's  victorious  arms  to  yield,  the  Pope,  thanks 
to  his  own  obstinate  firmness,  the  precarious  condition 
of  Italy  and  Germany,  and  to  his  still  great  authority 
in  Europe,  was  able  to  obtain  very  advantageous  con- 
ditions from  Frederick,  without  in  reality  giving  up 
anything  himself,  except  lamentations  about  what  it 
was  no  longer  any  good  claiming.  In  the  following 
September  both  Pope  and  Emperor  had  a  long  inter- 
view at  Anagni  and  separated  on  amicable  terms,  one 
returning  to  Rome,  the  other  to  his  kingdom.  Peace 
again  settled  down  between  Papacy  and  Empire,  but 
it  was  a  gleam  of  sunshine,  destined  to  be  only  too 
soon  overclouded. 


(     138     ) 


CHAPTER   XII. 
(1230-1241.) 

FREDERICK  II.'S  STRUGGLES  WITH  THE  LOM- 
BARDS—THE POPE  FAVOURS  THE  LOMBARDS 
—FREDERICK  II.  IS  AGAIN  EXCOMMUNICATED 
—DEATH  OF  GREGORY  IX.      - 

Profiting  by  the  leisure  which  he  enjoyed  after  this 
reconciliation,  Frederick  II.  turned  his  attention  to 
re-ordering  the  laws  of  the  kingdom  and  putting  them 
in  harmony  with  the  times,  which  seemed  throughout 
Europe  to  call  for  reforms  in  legislation.  Assisted 
by  jurists  educated  in  the  traditions  and  in  the  school 
of  Roman  law,  Frederick's  work  showed  in  many 
ways  a  distinct  progress,  and  opened  the  path  to  the 
modern  development  of  public  and  private  law.  Re- 
suming the  work  of  his  Norman  predecessors,  which 
had  suffered  from  time  and  from  long  disturbances 
in  the  kingdom,  Frederick  modified  it,  in  great  part 
trying  to  restrict  feudal  rights  and  to  oppose  to 
them  a  strong  monarchy,  sure  of  itself  and  more 
careful  of  the  general  interests  of  the  people  than 
of  the  privileges  of  the  nobility  and  higher  clergy. 
It  was  a  wise  and  provident  measure,  but  it  excited 
opposition    in    many    nobles,    because    detrimental  to 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Lombards.        189 

their  prerogatives,  while  Koine  was  offended  at  the 
clergy's  privileges  being  curtailed,  and  at  the  increase 
of  strength  in  a  monarchy  which  she  regarded  with 
suspicion,  and  over  which  she  laid  claim  to  suzerainty. 
Nor  could  the  severe  laws  introduced  then  by  Frede- 
rick against  heretics  counterbalance  this  unfavour- 
able impression,  for  they  merely  corresponded  to  the 
spirit  of  the  times,  and  were,  after  all,  no  severer 
than  those  in  force  elsewhere.  Heresy,  which  was 
springing  up  everywhere,  was  in  the  eyes  of  legis- 
lators a  state  crime  and  to  be  quenched  in  blood,  so 
that  Frederick  in  this  respect  made  no  concession 
to  the  Church,  and  merely  recognised  in  his  laws  an 
idea  then  universal,  and  which  appeared  to  no  one 
either  harsh  or  unjust. 

While  doing  all  he  could  by  legislation  to  streng- 
then his  authority  in  the  kingdom,  Frederick  did 
not  lose  sight  of  the  Lombard  republics,  who,  on 
their  side,  were  watching  him  with  suspicion.  They 
foresaw  danger  to  themselves  in  the  peace  concluded 
between  him  and  the  Pope  at  San  Germano,  and 
also  in  these  same  laws,  promulgated  by  him  too 
distinctly  in  support  of  the  royal  prerogatives  not 
to  give  umbrage  to  those  staunch  republicans  as 
much  as  to  the  Sicilian  barons.  Wherefore,  ceasing 
from  their  constant  civil  warfare,  several  Lombard 
cities  began  to  league  themselves  together  against 
the  common  enemy.  Meantime,  Frederick  had  con- 
voked for  All  Saints'  day  1231a  diet  at  Ravenna, 
to  which  all  the  cities  and  feudatories  of  North  Italy 
were  invited,  and  his  son  Henry  was  to  come  from 
Germany.      The    Pope    promised    to    prevail    on    the 


190      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

Lombards  to  attend  the  diet,  and  lie  did  send  for  the 
purpose  the  bishops  of  Brescia  and  Vercelli  to  the 
Guelph  towns  ;  but  either  the  bishops  were  lukewarm 
in  their  exhortations  or  the  towns  were  too  determined 
in  their  opposition  ;  certainly  the  Pope's  good  offices 
produced  no  effect,  and  the  leagued  cities  resolved 
at  Bologna  in  October  to  collect  an  army  and  prepare 
for  war.  The  Pope's  conduct  did  not  satisfy  Frede- 
rick when  he  found  at  Ravenna  only  a  few  feuda- 
tories and  the  envoys  from  some  Ghibelline  towns, 
nor  were  his  suspicions  perhaps  wholly  groundless. 
On  one  side  and  the  other  the  scarcely  suppressed 
antagxmism  broke  out  afresh,  for  it  had  its  roots  in 
the  very  essence  of  things.  It  was  impossible  for 
Frederick  not  to  strain  every  nerve  to  secure  his  un- 
questioned authority  in  Lombardy  ;  equally  impossible 
was  it  for  the  Pope  to  give  him  hearty  assistance  in 
beating  down  those  Guelph  communes  to  which  he 
could  look  for  support  in  every  quarrel  with  the 
Empire.  Thus  on  both  sides  there  was  formed  a 
o-radual  accumulation  of  reasons  for  latent  mistrust, 
which  only  needed  a  spark  to  make  it  flare  up  at  any 
moment- 
King  Henry  had  not  been  able  to  take  part  in  the 
Diet  of  Ravenna  from  the  Lombards  having  closed 
the  passage  of  the  Alps  against  him  towards  Verona 
with  a  powerful  body  of  troops,  and  thus  hindered 
his  entering  Italy.  This  fact  grieved  Frederick  the 
more  that  his  authority  suffered  much  from  it,  not  in 
Italy  only,  bat  also  in  Germany,  where  some  threaten- 
ing signs  of  rebellion  gained  more  serious  import  from 
a  fear  that  his  own  son  encouraged  them,  and  was 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Lombards.        191 

disposed,  as  king  in  Germany,  to  throw  off  all  alle- 
giance to  his  father.  Hence  Frederick  placed  under 
the  ban  of  the  Empire  those  Guelph  cities  which  had 
not  sent  envoys  to  Ravenna ;  and  though  mistrusting 
the  Pope,  he  tried  to  keep  on  good  terms  with  him, 
so  as  to  be  able  safely  to  leave  Italy  and  settle  the 
German  affairs  in  person.  He  therefore  left  Ravenna 
for  Aquileia,  where  he  met  his  son,  who,  affirming  his 
fidelity  on  oath,  tried  to  banish  all  suspicion  from  his 
mind,  and  apparently  for  the  moment  succeeded.  The 
Emperor  returned  from  Aquileia  to  Apulia,  where  he 
found  new  troubles.  The  tendency  in  his  reign  to 
enforce  the  absolute  authority  of  the  sovereign  did  not 
displease  the  nobles  and  clergy  only,  but  stood  in  the 
way  of  the  municipalities,  jealous  of  their  old  prero- 
gatives and  desirous  to  acquire  new  ones.  A  revolt 
broke  out  in  Sicily  which  was  stifled  in  blood,  and  it 
appears  that  on  that  occasion  many  political  offenders 
were  sirnply  burnt  as  heretics,  and  the  laws  intended 
for  religious  persecutions  served  the  astute  Emperor 
as  instruments  of  human  vengeance.  Later,  the  Pope 
reproached  him  with  this  fact,  and  used  it  as  an  accu- 
sation against  him. 

However,  both  parties  had  to  feign  a  desire  for 
peace,  which  neither  felt.  Hence,  after  further  nego- 
tiations, it  was  resolved  to  ask  the  Pope  a  second  time 
to  arbitrate  between  Frederick  and  the  Lombards. 
In  the  winter  of  1232  the  delegates  from  the  repub- 
lics, and  for  the  Emperor  the  archbishop  of  Messina, 
the  bishop  of  Troia,  the  grand  justiciary  Henry  of 
Morra,  and  the  famous  Pier  della  Vigna,  all  met  at 
the  papal  court  to  discuss  their  reciprocal   claims  and 


192      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

rights.  The  Pope  pronounced  his  decision  on  the  5th  of 
June  1233.  In  it  he  left  everything  much  as  it  was 
after  the  arbitration  of  1227,  showing  great  partiality 
towards  the  Lombards.  That  necessity  of  things  of 
which  we  have  already  spoken  led  him  to  this  verdict, 
and,  indeed,  so  also  did  justice  towards  the  now  well- 
established  rights  of  Lombard  liberty.  Frederick 
naturally  resented  the  sentence  bitterly,  even  com- 
plained of  it,  but  did  not  refuse  to  accept  it,  and  for 
the  moment  tried  to  dissimulate  his  feelings.  Serious 
difficulties  drew  Emperor  and  Pope  together,  and  the 
need  they  had  of  each  other  made  them  use  caution 
and  forbearance  in  their  mutual  relations.  As  if  to 
compensate  Frederick  for  this  unfavourable  sentence, 
the  Pope  sent  into  Lombardy  his  legates  and  mission- 
aries to  preach  peace,  and  among  them  one  John  of 
Vicenza,  a  Dominican,  who  for  some  time  aroused 
great  enthusiasm  among  the  masses  in  various  towns, 
then  lost  credit  and  disappeared.  In  reality,  rather 
than  peace  there  prevailed  on  every  side  a  warlike 
feeling,  encouraged  not  only  by  the  difference  of  inter- 
est between  the  communes  and  the  Empire,  but  also 
by  the  factious  party  spirit  in  the  towns  and  by  the 
private  ambition  of  many  noblemen,  who  hoped  by  the 
help  either  of  Guelphs  or  Ghibellines  to  rise  in  the 
state.  The  guiding  spirit  of  the  Ghibelline  faction 
and  the  Emperor's  right  hand  in  Lombardy  was 
Eccelin  da  Romano,  whose  family  found  a  powerful 
rival  in  that  of  the  Guelph  Este. 

Nor  was  it  only  in  Lombardy  that  party  spirit  ran 
high,  but  throughout  Tuscany  and  in  Rome  herself  it 
lifted  its  head  against   the   Pontiff,   and   after  many 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Lombards.        193 

alternations  of  turmoil  and  quiet,  at  last  forced  him  to 
fly  from  the  city  and  take  refuge  in  Rieti.  Thence 
Gregory  IX.  hurled  anathemas  against  the  Roman 
senate,  wrote  from  all  parts  asking  for  help  in  soldiers 
and  money  to  subdue  the  rebels,  and  invoked  Frede- 
rick's assistance.  The  Emperor  thought  the  occasion 
a  good  one  for  gaining  over  the  Pope,  detaching  him 
from  the  Lombard  Guelphs  and  obtaining  his  influence 
to  thwart  the  now  open  intrigues  going  on  against  him 
in  Germany  at  his  son's  court.  In  May  1234  Frede- 
rick, going  to  see  the  Pope  at  Rieti,  presented  to  him 
his  other  son,  Conrad,  in  whom  his  best  hopes  were 
now  centred,  and  then  laid  siege  to  the  castle  of  Ris- 
pampano,  obstinately  defended  by  the  Romans.  Owing 
either  to  their  gallant  resistance  or  to  Frederick's  in- 
tentionally lukewarm  attack,  the  siege  lasted  fruitlessly 
for  two  months,  and  in  September,  Frederick,  alleging 
the  impossibility  of  taking  the  fortress,  left  it  and  re- 
turned to  Apulia,  of  which  the  Pope  complained  loudly, 
accusing  Frederick  of  bad  faith  and  of  a  secret  under- 
standing with  the  Romans.  Nor  did  it  avail  anything 
that  Frederick  had  left  behind  him  a  strong  body  of 
German  soldiery,  who  joining  the  men  of  Viterbo,  then 
threatened  by  Rome,  inflicted  a  serious  defeat  on  the 
Romans,  and  having  entered  Sabina,  brought  again 
(hat  territory  under  obedience  to  the  Pope.  In  spite 
of  this,  Gregory's  complaints  continued,  but  no  open 
rupture  followed.  The  relations  between  the  two  in 
those  days,  in  their  mixture  of  friendliness  and  hostility, 
exactly  represent  their  ever-recurring  suspicions  and 
necessities,  which  drew  them  together  and  separated 
them  at  one  and  the  same  time. 

C  H.  .  N 


194      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

Meanwhile  Gregory  IX.  after  having  canonised  St. 
Dominic  at  Rieti  in  July  1234,  had  returned  to  Perugia, 
whence  he  repeatedly  invoked  the  assistance  of  Chris- 
tendom in  favour  of  the  Holy  Land,  where  things  were 
rapidly  growing  worse.  Frederick  had  responded 
favourably  to  the  Pope's  exhortations,  when  new  events 
obliged  him  to  turn  all  his  care  and  attention  to  the 
North.  His  son  Henry  was  conspiring  against  him  in 
Germany,  and  allying  himself  to  the  Guelph  cities  of 
Lombardy,  being  enticed  into  doing  so  by  Milan,  who 
dangled  before  his  eyes  the  iron  crown  of  Italy,  which 
had  not  been  granted  to  his  father.  This  offence  sunk 
deep  into  Frederick's  heart,  and  the  cruel  instincts  of 
his  vindictive  nature  were  aroused  by  the  disloyalty  of 
his  son  in  joining  his  most  deadly  foes.  The  Pope 
saw  that  this  conspiracy  would  compromise  the  expe- 
dition to  Palestine,  and  therefore  seconded  the  Em- 
peror's going  to  Germany  about  Easter  1235.  His 
presence  there  was  quite  enough  to  restrain  every 
thought  of  rebellion,  so  that  Henry,  abandoned  by  all, 
had  no  alternative  but  to  throw  himself  at  his  father's 
feet  and  implore  his  pardon,  and  Frederick  was  more 
clement  than  the  offence  would  have  led  one  to  expect. 
However,  the  ill-advised  prince  was  deprived  of  every 
dignity,  and  was  kept  as  a  prisoner  in  several  fort- 
resses, first  in  Germany,  then  in  Apulia,  where  he  died 
some  years  later.  Frederick  showed  great  grief  at 
his  death,  and  the  grief  was  perhaps  unfeigned,  for 
his  ardent  and  impressionable  nature  could  easily  con- 
tain mixed  feelings  of  love  and  hate. 

A  few  days  after  Henry's  submission  the  Princess 
Isabella,   sister  of  Henry  III.  of  England,  arrived  in 


Frederick  II  and  the  Lombards.        195 

Germany,  and  her  nuptials  with  the  Emperor  were 
solemnised  at  Worms.  The  Pope  was  much  pleased 
at  this  marriage,  which  he  had  for  some  time  "been  try- 
ing  to  bring  about,  in  the  hope  of  its  serving  to  sepa- 
rate the  Suabian  interests  from  those  of  the  house  of 
France,  and  of  its  supplying  him  in  any  case  with  a 
weapon,  offensive  and  defensive,  against  the  Empire. 
But  although  these  various  events  in  Germany  seemed 
calculated  to  bring  Frederick  and  the  Pope  nearer 
together,  in  Italy  things  were  different,  as  the  Pope 
could  not  succeed  in  reconciling  the  Lombards  with 
the  Emperor,  and  a  war  seemed  imminent,  in  which  the 
Church  and  the  Empire  were  unlikely  to  find  them- 
selves in  accord.  Determined  at  any  rate  to  break 
the  strength  of  the  Lombard  league,  Frederick  reached 
Yerona  in  August  1 2  3  6  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  army, 
and  all  the  Ghibellines  of  Lombardy  rallied  round  him. 
Fighting  began,  and  all  that  year  there  were  con- 
stant engagements,  mostly  to  the  Emperor's  advantage, 
but  to  the  great  injury  of  the  country.  It  is  true 
the  Pope  continued  to  exhort  every  one  to  peace, 
but  in  reality  his  relations  with  Frederick  became 
more  and  more  strained.  On  both  sides  there  was 
a  perpetual  bandying  of  complaints,  of  imputing 
to  each  other  bad  faith  and  usurpations.  The  Pope 
was  exceedingly  vexed  with  Frederick  for  attending 
to  Lombardy  instead  of  to  Palestine,  he  mourned  over 
the  infringement  of  ecclesiastical  rights  in  Apulia 
and  Sicily,  over  the  prosperous  Saracenic  colony  at 
Lucera,  and  hinted  that  the  Eomans  were  secretly 
led  on  by  him  to  rebel,  while  the  Emperor  haughtily 
"justified  himself,  and  denied  the  truth  of  the  Papal 


196      The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstaufen. 

assertions.  Italy  was  his,  he  said,  and  till  he  had 
reduced  it  to  submission  he  had  no  mind  to  risk  losing 
it  by  setting  off  for  Palestine.  He  did  not  intend  to 
yield  a  jot  of  his  rights,  and  Gregory,  by  helping  the 
enemies  of  the  Empire,  was  trying  to  usurp  them  with- 
out reason  and  without  conscience.  And  indeed  Frede- 
rick had  grounds  for  suspecting  the  Pope's  envoys 
sent  into  Lombardy  to  treat  of  peace,  and  held  them 
to  be  encouraging  the  League  rather  than  to  be  mes- 
sengers of  peace  and  anxious  for  the  maintenance  of  im- 
perial rights.  At  any  rate,  Frederick  was  determined 
to  subdue  the  Lombards,  who,  mindful  of  the  past, 
resisted  as  their  forefathers  had  resisted  Barbarossa. 
During  all  the  year  1236  and  a  great  part  of  1237 
the  war  continued,  but  without  coming  to  a  decisive 
engagement.  Finally,  the  two  parties  attacked  each 
other  near  the  banks  of  the  Oglio  at  Cortenuova,  and 
there  the  Lombards  suffered  a  terrible  defeat,  leaviner 
on  the  field  many  thousands  among  dead  and  prisoners, 
while  the  Carroccio  of  the  Milanese  remained  as  a 
trophy  of  victory  in  the  hands  of  Frederick,  who  re- 
entered Cremona  in  triumph.  This  great  victory 
raised  immensely  the  Emperor's  hopes  and  increased 
his  confidence  in  himself  and  in  his  forces.  With 
the  Lombards  subdued  he  could  more  easily  force  the 
Pope  into  submission  and  put  down  his  pretensions. 
Thus,  while  with  regard  to  the  Lombards,  who  came 
offering  advantageous  conditions  of  peace,  he  showed 
a  determination  to  accept  nothing  short  of  absolute 
subjection,  he,  on  the  other  hand,  encouraged  the 
republican  tendencies  of  Rome,  sending  the  captured 
Carroccio  as  a  gift  to  the    senate,    and  the   Romans 


Frederick  II  and  the  Lombards.        197 

placed  in  the  Capitol  this  trophy  from  their  Cassar. 
Gregory  fully  understood  the  significance  of  this  act 
and  resented  it,  but  he  was  not  a  man  easily  disheart- 
ened ;  on  the  contrary,  he  seemed  fully  alive  to  the 
risk  run  by  the  Church  were  he  to  let  the  Lombards 
be  overpowered  without  holding  out  a  helping  hand. 
Indeed,  from  that  time  the  attitude  of  Gregory  be- 
came more  resolute  and  more  hostile  to  the  Empire, 
and  his  alliance  with  the  Guelphs  more  and  more 
open.  Frederick  had  refused  to  make  conditions 
with  the  Lombards,  demanding  that  they  should  yield 
at  discretion,  but  they  preferred  to  try  again  the  for- 
tune of  war  and  defend  their  freedom  to  the  death. 
This  inflexibility  on  Frederick's  part  was  a  great  mis- 
take, and  thenceforth  his  star  began  to  wane.  The 
war  recommenced,  long,  fierce,  relentless,  destined  to 
consume  all  the  forces  of  the  Empire  in  Italy,  but  at  the 
same  time  to  introduce  new  strangers  and  new  tyrannies 
into  a  country  in  which  the  exuberance  of  life  and 
some  hidden  necessity  of  fate  often  mixed  in  too  large 
a  measure  grief  and  misfortune  with  glory. 

On  the  war  being  renewed,  Eccelin  da  Romano, 
to  whom  Frederick  had  given  in  marriage  a  natural 
daughter  of  his  own,  persuaded  the  Emperor  to  collect 
troops  for  the  destruction  of  Brescia.  Siege  was  laid 
to  the  town  by  Frederick  in  the  summer  of  1238, 
but  the  courageous  city  held  out  against  every  effort 
and  against  atrocities  recalling  those  of  his  grand- 
father before  Crema,  so  that  after  some  fruitless 
months  the  Emperor  was  forced  to  give  up  the  at- 
tempt and  retire  to  Cremona.  The  Guelphs  on  all 
sides  began   to  take  courage  again.      Genoa,  fearing 


198      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

for  licr  independence,  joined  the  League,  and  also 
made  peace  with  Venice  through  the  good  offices  of 
the  Pope,  who  now  did  all  he  could  to  isolate  and 
weaken  the  Emperor. 

One  reason  for  the  altered  attitude  of  the  Genoese 
was  their  quarrel  with  the  Pisans  about  Sardinia,  to 
which  both  laid  claim,  while  the  Church  vaunted  her 
rights  over  it  as  suzerain,  and  made  use  of  them  in 
order  to  have  a  voice  in  questions  relating  to  the 
Mediterranean.  Frederick,  on  his  side,  put  forward 
pretensions  of  his  own,  and,  like  his  grandfather, 
tried  to  get  a  greater  influence  in  the  island,  not 
solely  for  its  position  respecting  Sicily  and  Africa,  but 
especially  to  keep  it  in  his  hand  as  a  means  of  alliance 
with  either  Pisa  or  Genoa,  when  it  might  serve  his 
turn.  Yet,  though  generally  favouring  his  faithful 
Pisans,  he  tried  a  subtle  stroke  of  policy  by  marrying 
his  natural  son,  Enzio,  to  Adelasia,  heiress  to  the  Sar- 
dinian principalities  of  Turri  and  Galium,  and  giving 
him  the  title  of  Kiug  of  Sardinia.  Gregory  IX.  now 
decided  for  open  war.  Some  ambassadors  sent  to  him 
by  the  Emperor  produced  no  impression,  and  on  the 
20th  of  March  1239,  he  thundered  forth  in  the  Lat- 
eran  to  terrified  listeners  a  second  sentence  of  excom^ 
munication  against  Frederick,  thus  heralding  in  the 
mortal  contest  which  was  to  cease  only  with  the  utter 
ruin  of  the  house  of  Suabia. 

The  Emperor's  wrath  was  no  whit  less  than  the 
Pope's  on  hearing  of  this  sentence,  which  was  solemnly 
announced  throughout  Europe,  while  crowds  of  monks 
in  all  directions  preached  God's  anger  against  the  im- 
placable enemy  of  the  Church.      Frederick  replied  to 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Lombards.        199 

the  motives  adduced  by  the  Pope  with  bitter  letters, 
in  which  he  justified  himself,  and  answered  the  Pope's 
accusations  with  others,  in  which  he  called  him  a 
maker  of  schisms  and  discord.  Then,  turning  in  an 
address  to  the  European  princes  and  magnates,  he  de- 
clared that  he  would  not  submit  to  the  judgments  of  a 
prevaricating  and  unworthy  Pontiff,  who  condemned 
him  for  no  other  reason  but  that  he  had  refused  to 
agree  to  a  marriage  between  a  niece  of  the  Pope's 
and  his  own  son,  Enzio.  The  Pope  replied  with  new 
invectives,  declaring  him  a  liar  in  the  matter  of  the 
marriage,  which  had  been  proposed  by  Frederick  and 
declined  by  him ;  and  then  going  over  the  causes  of 
the  first  excommunication,  he  related  Frederick's  per- 
secutions of  the  clergy  in  Apulia,  his  tyranny  towards 
the  barons,  the  support  given  by  him  to  the  Mussul- 
mans, the  expedition  to  the  Holy  Land  prevented  by 
malpractices,  and  finally  Rome  encouraged  to  revolt. 
Then,  in  another  writing,  accusing  him  opeuly  of 
heresy  and  impiety,  he  says:  "  This  pestilential  king 
maintains  that  the  whole  world  has  been  deceived  by 
three  impostors,  Jesus  Christ,  Moses,  and  Mahomet, 
and  affirms,  or  rather  lies,  saying  that  all  are  mad 
who  believe  that  God,  the  Creator  of  all  things,  could 
have  been  born  of  a  virgin."  Thus  language  grew 
more  and  more  violent  on  both  sides,  and  while  it 
rendered  all  conciliation  impossible,  it  so  perverted 
facts  as  to  make  it  very  difficult  for  history  to  distin- 
guish between  truth  and  falsehood. 

Throughout  1 239  Frederick  and  his  partisans  con- 
tinued fighting  against  the  Lombard  Guelphs,  with 
results  which   differed,   but   were  often   unfavourable. 


200      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

Meanwhile  Kino-  Enzio,  going  towards  the  March  of  An- 
cona,  made  some  progress,  notwithstanding  the  armed 
opposition  of  Cardinal  John  Colonna,  sent  there  by 
Gregory  IX.,  who  excommunicated  Enzio  for  invading 
Church  territory.  At  the  same  time  the  Pope  laboured 
indefatigably  to  strengthen  the  Guelph  party  and  to 
excite  enmity  and  rebellion  in  the  kingdom  of  Sicily, 
and  was  apparently  also  looking  round  for  some  prince 
who  might  be  tempted  to  try  and  tear  away  the 
crown  from  the  brow  of  the  excommunicated  Cassar. 
Frederick  soon  saw  that  so  resolute  an  enemy  must 
be  met  by  resolute  measures,  and  he  marched  from 
Tuscany  towards  Rome  in  the  spring  of  1240,  deter- 
mined to  get  possession  of  Gregory's  person.  Rome, 
within  whose  walls  there  was  a  large  number  of 
imperial  partisans,  made  but  a  lukewarm  show  of 
resistance,  and  the  Pope  was  in  imminent  danger, 
but  he  found  safety  in  his  courageous  temper  and 
in  the  ardent  faith  which  animated  him.  Having 
ordained  a  solemn  procession  to  bear  through  the 
city  the  relics  of  the  cross  and  the  heads  of  St.  Peter 
and  St.  Paul,  he  exposed  those  precious  objects  on 
the  high  altar  in  St.  Peter's  Church,  and  in  burning 
words  invoked  the  assistance  of  Heaven  for  Rome  and 
the  Church,  both  in  such  grievous  peril.  The  Romans 
were  moved,  they  crowded  round  the  Pope  to  take 
the  Cross  against  the  Emperor,  and  prepared  to  arm 
for  the  defence.  Frederick  felt  that  he  was  not 
strong  enough  to  assault  Rome  and  retired  to  Apulia, 
contenting  himself  with  branding  the  foreheads  of 
a  few  of  those  Roman  crusaders  who  fell  into  his 
hands. 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Lombards.        201 

Gregory  during  these  occurrences  called  a  council, 
with  the  intention  of  gaining  over  the  principal 
prelates  of  Europe,  and  perhaps  of  inducing  them 
to  join  him  in  deposing  the  hostile  Emperor  and  in 
raising  up  enemies  and  hindrances  to  him  everywhere. 
Frederick  opposed  this  project.  From  the  Marche, 
which  he  had  again  invaded,  he  tried  by  persuasion 
and  by  violence  to  prevent  the  bishops  from  going  to 
Rome,  and  while  he  had  the  Alpine  passes  watched, 
he  strengthened  his  navy  and  called  in  assistance 
from  his  ally  Pisa  in  order  to  close  the  way  by  sea. 
However,  many  prelates  responded  to  the  Pope's 
invitation,  and  meeting  at  Genoa,  set  sail  for  Civita- 
Vecchia  on  board  Genoese  ships,  but  near  Meloria 
fell  in  with  the  ships  of  Pisa.  Here,  on  the  3rd 
of  May  1 24 1,  was  fought  a  fierce  battle,  in  which 
the  Genoese  galleys  got  the  worst  of  it  and  were 
taken  or  sunk.  Among  the  captives  were  three  car- 
dinals and  over  a  hundred  bishops  and  abbots,  who 
were  taken  to  Neapolitan  or  Sicilian  prisons.  The 
council  consequently  ended  in  nothing. 

The  Pope's  complaints  re-echoed  far  and  near,  but 
Frederick  paid  no  attention  to  them,  and  held  his 
prey  fast,  by  which  he  secured  himself  against  the 
danger  of  a  council  of  enemies.  At  this  moment 
too  a  terrible  peril  was  hanging  over  Christendom  in 
the  threatened  invasion  of  the  Tartars,  who,  having 
devastated  Russia  and  Poland,  were  now  descending 
like  an  avalanche  on  the  West,  and  were  already  on 
the  borders  of  the  Empire.  Before  this  imminent 
danger  it  seemed  desirable  for  Pope  and  Emperor 
to    come   to   terms,  but  no    agreement   was    possible, 


202      The  Popes  and  the  ITohenstaufen. 

and  as  usual  each  accused  the  other  of  being  the 
cause  of  the  discord.  Frederick  raised  an  army  in 
Germany  which  warded  off  the  invaders,  but  he  did 
not  leave  Italy,  where  success  was  attending  his  arms 
against  the  Guelphs  of  Lombardy  and  the  Romagna. 
Determined  to  subdue  Gregory  IX.,  he  again  ap- 
proached Rome,  and  his  soldiery  spread  themselves 
over  the  Campagna,  assisted  by  the  warlike  Cardinal 
Colonna,  who  had  now  deserted  the  Pope.  He  took  up 
his  quarters  at  Grotta  Ferrata  in  view  of  Rome,  and 
the  city,  surrounded  as  she  was,  seemed  as  if  she 
must  open  her  gates.  But  the  indomitable  man 
who  had  so  long  opposed  him  did  not  undergo  the 
disgrace  of  falling  into  his  hands,  for  on  the  2 1st  of 
August  1 24 1  he  died,  almost  in  sight  of  his  enemy, 
as  a  soldier  falls  in  the  breach.  He  was  an  impe- 
tuous Pontiff,  and,  in  spite  of  talent  and  experience, 
not  always  sufficiently  prudent,  but  he  had  a  high 
courage  and  a  manly  heart,  in  which  he  recalls  to  us 
a  later  successor,  Julius  II.,  who  was,  however,  very 
inferior  to  Gregory  in  purity  of  faith  and  ideality  of 
purpose. 


(     203     ) 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

(1241-1250.) 

INNOCENT  IV.— IMPLACABLE  WAR  BETWEEN  THE 
PAPACY  AND  THE  EMPIRE  TILL  THE  DEATH 
OF  FREDERICK  II. 

After  Gregory  IX.'s  death,  Frederick  wished  to  prove 
that  he  respected  the  liberty  of  the  Church,  though 
he  had  held  out  against  the  unjust  claims  of  the  de- 
ceased Pontiff;  so  he  left  the  neighbourhood  of  Rome, 
and  liberated  the  cardinals  who  were  his  prisoners, 
on  condition  that  after  the  election  of  the  Pope  they 
should  return  to  their  captivity.  The  divided  minds 
of  the  cardinals  could  not  agree  about  the  election, 
and  many  of  them  would  have  preferred  to  go  away 
from  Rome  for  the  conclave ;  but  the  Romans  kept 
them  shut  up,  until  at  last  their  votes  united  on  the 
head  of  a  cardinal  of  very  infirm  health,  who  took  the 
name  of  Celestine  IV.,  and  died  a  few  days  later. 
This  short  pontificate,  however,  enabled  the  cardinals 
to  leave  Rome  and  disperse  over  the  Campagna, 
showing  themselves  more  occupied  with  their  own 
interests  than  with  those  of  the  Church ;  and  for 
nearly  two  years  the  Roman  see  was  vacant.  Frede- 
rick, having  made  some  fruitless  overtures  for  peace, 
again  overran  the  Church's   territory  in  the  Marche 


204      The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstaufen. 

;!  i  nl  Umbria,  while  in  North  Italy  Eccelin  da  Romano 
and  the  brilliant  King  Enzio,  at  the  head  of  the 
( Jhibellines,  continued  the  warfare  with  the  Guelphs, 
and  the  country  suffered  from  the  ravages  of  both 
parties.  The  want  of  a  Pope,  if  on  one  side  injurious 
to  the  Church,  was  not  either  any  advantage  to  Fre- 
derick, because  the  majority  of  the  cardinals  were  hos- 
tile  to  him,  and  with  them  it  was  difficult  to  treat 
definitely,  nor  bad  he  before  him  a  declared  enemy 
against  whom  to  direct  his  blows.  Therefore  he  began 
to  insist  that  the  cardinals  should  stop  the  scandal  of 
so  long  a  vacancy  in  such  troubled  times.  The  cardi- 
nals replied  by  accusing  him  of  oppression,  and  de- 
manding the  liberation  of  their  colleagues,  who  had 
returned  to  their  captivity.  Frederick  set  them  at 
liberty ;  but  the  delay  continuing,  he  carried  war  into 
the  Roman  terrritory,  and  made  such  havoc  that  the 
cardinals  had  to  yield  ;  and  being  besieged  also  by  the 
prayers  of  the  rest  of  Christendom,  they  met  at  Anagni 
on  the  24th  of  June  1243,  and  selected  the  Genoese 
Sinibaldo  Fieschi,  who  took  the  name  of  Innocent  IV. 
Innocent  came  of  a  family  friendly  to  the  house 
of  Suabia,  and  he  himself  had  been  in  the  past  on 
friendly  terms  with  the  Emperor.  On  hearing  of  this 
election,  the  imperialists  seemed  pleased ;  but  it  is 
said  that  Frederick,  with  clear  intuition  of  the  future, 
exclaimed,  "I  have  lost  a  friend,  for  no  Pope  will 
ever  be  Ghibelline."  Even  if  this  is  true,  he  at  least 
outwardly  showed  satisfaction,  ordering  that  the  Te 
Dcum  should  be  sung  in  all  the  churches  throughout 
the  Empire,  and  sending  congratulatory  letters  to  the 
Pope.      It  was  like  a  first  step  in  a  peaceful  direction, 


IXNOCENT  IV.  2C5 

and  soon  after  fresh  negotiations  were  entered  into, 
but  it  was  an  intricate  business.  The  Pope  proposed 
as  conditions  that  Frederick  should  liberate  the  pre- 
lates taken  at  sea,  that  the  matters  in  which  he  held 
himself  injured  by  the  Eoman  Church,  or  in  which  he 
denied  having  injured  her,  should  be  decided  by  an 
arbitration  of  sovereigns,  princes,  and  prelates.  Th<> 
friends  of  the  Holy  See,  among  whom  all  the  Guelphs 
of  Italy  must  be  reckoned,  were  to  be  included  in  the 
peace,  and  not  in  any  way  to  suffer  from  it.  Frede- 
rick could  not  accept  this  last  condition,  which  Inno- 
cent could  not  give  up,  and  the  negotiations  came  to 
a  stop,  so  that  in  the  autumn  of  1243  the  Pope  gave 
notice  to  the  Lombards  to  hold  themselves  ready ;  that 
he  desired  peace  with  the  Emperor,  but  only  on  con- 
dition of  its  being  extended  to  all  who  were  faithful 
to  the  Church. 

The  Guelphs  responded  to  the  call,  encouraged  also 
by  the  hidden  work  of  Dominicans  and  Minorites,  who 
were  going  among  the  people  throughout  Italy  in  spite 
of  Frederick's  violent  opposition.  A  sign  of  this  was 
already  given  by  Viterbo,  who  being  in  the  hands  of 
the  imperialists,  entered  into  a  secret  alliance  with  her 
old  enemy  Rome,  where  now  the  Guelphs  were  in  the 
ascendant.  In  August  1243,  while  the  negotiations 
for  peace  between  Pope  and  Emperor  were  still  pend- 
ing, Rome  sent  soldiers  to  enable  her  to  rise  against 
the  imperial  garrison,  which  was  driven  back  into  the 
citadel,  where  it  made  an  obstinate  resistance.  The 
Pope,  asserting  that  the  Roman  see  had  rights  over 
Viterbo,  sent  further  reinforcements,  thanks  to  which 
the   siege   of  the   citadel   was  carried   on   with   great 


206      The  Popes  axd  the  Hohenstaufe.v. 

vigour.  Frederick  in  a  fury  collected  a,  body  of  men 
and  rushed  to  the  succour  of  tlie  beleaguered  garrison, 
but  was  repelled  by  the  Romans  after  having  risked 
his  life,  and  could  only  obtain  with  difficulty  that  the 
garrison  should  be  allowed  to  leave  the  citadel  alive 
and  ^Yith  their  arms.  The  noise  of  this  event  echoed 
through  Italy  and  raised  the  spirits  of  the  Guelphs, 
whose  leagues  grew  in  numbers  and  influence.  Many 
Ghibelline  nobles  changed  sides  and  deserted  the  im- 
perial cause,  attracted  also  no  doubt  by  the  gold  scat- 
tered broadcast  by  Guelph  communes  and  the  Pope. 
Germany  herself  began  to  vacillate,  and  Frederick, 
unable  to  abandon  the  peninsula  to  Papal  intrigues, 
determined  to  guard  the  Alps  with  great  vigour,  in 
order  to  stop  all  communication  between  Germany  and 
the  Curia;  but  his  severe  measures  did  little  else  than 
further  embitter  a  quarrel  already  incurable. 

Still  the  times  were  heavy  and  calamitous  ;  there  was 
famine  and  death  in  many  parts  of  Italy,  and  every- 
where a  weary  need  of  peace,  insomuch  that  the  two 
great  adversaries  were  again  induced  to  make  a  final 
effort  for  an  arrangement,  which  was  at  last  concluded. 
The  principal  conditions  were :  restitution  to  the 
Roman  Church  and  to  her  allies  of  all  the  territories 
seized  by  the  Emperor,  liberation  of  prisoners  and 
hostages,  annulling  of  all  confiscation  or  ban  against 
the  clergy  of  the  kingdom,  pardon  to  the  rebellious 
feudatories,  and  the  safeguarding  in  many  ways  of  the 
Lombards'  position  with  regard  to  the  Empire  ;  above 
all,  the  Emperor  undertook  to  declare  solemnly  to  all 
European  princes  that  he  had  resisted  the  sentence  of 
excommunication  pronounced  against  him  by  Gregory 


Innocent  IV.  207 

IX.,  because  it  had  not  been  duly  announced  to  him,  and 
not  from  contempt  of  the  Church's  authority.  On  the 
31st  of  March  1244  these  conditions  were  solemnly 
sworn  to  in  the  Lateran  by  the  imperial  envoys  in  the 
presence  of  the  Pope  and  of  Baldwin,  Emperor  of 
Constantinople,  and  then  the  Pope  announced  the 
Emperor's  absolution  as  being  at  hand.  But  people's 
minds  were  not  at  peace.  Innocent  mistrusted  Frede- 
rick, who  was  secretly  trying  to  regain  influence  in 
Eome  and  place  it  in  the  hands  of  his  partisans,  and 
he  did  certainly  aim  at  obtaining  the  absolution  with- 
out keeping  the  conditions.  In  fact,  the  whole  edifice  of 
this  peace  soon  crumbled  and  fell.  The  Pope  demanded 
that  Frederick  should  give  their  liberty  to  the  pri- 
soners and  return  the  Papal  territories  before  being 
absolved.  Frederick  wanted  the  opposite,  and  invoked 
on  this  difference  the  arbitration  of  the  kings  of 
France  and  England,  but  the  Pope  did  not  yield. 
Yet  again  all  hope  of  peace  vanished,  and  Innocent, 
convinced  of  the  wisdom  of  imitating  Gregory  IX.  s 
policy,  made  up  his  mind  to  follow  it  to  the  bitter 
end. 

It  was  not  an  easy  undertaking.  It  made  it  neces- 
sary to  collect  the  forces  of  all  Christendom  against  his 
enemy,  so  Innocent,  adopting  once  more  his  predeces- 
sor's idea,  turned  his  thoughts  to  a  General  Council, 
but  determined  to  convoke  it  outside  Italy,  and  where 
it  would  be  safe  from  violence.  He  gave  no  hint  of 
his  intention,  and  while  continuing  to  treat  with 
Frederick's  envoys,  he  left  Eome  in  June  1244  and 
betook  himself  to  Civita  Castellana,  and  thence  to 
Sutri.      Genoa,  secretly  informed  of  the  Pope's  inten- 


2o8      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

tions,  sent  speedily  a  fleet  to  Civita  Vecchia,  and  as  soon 
as  lie  knew  of  its  arrival,  Innocent,  with  a  few  trusty- 
followers,  went  in  disguise  on  horseback  through  rough 
roads   and   forests  to   join   it,    and  on  the    7th    July 
entered  his  native  Genoa  in  the  midst  of  rejoicings. 
Frederick,  astonished  by  this  move,  guessed   what  it 
meant,  and,  to  induce  the  Pope  to  stop,  sent  the  Count 
of  Toulouse  with  an  offer  of  immediate  submission  to 
all   the   conditions,    but   Innocent   held   out.       Seeing 
that  he   should   not  be   a   welcome   guest  within  the 
territory  of  the  French  king,  who  wished  to  remain 
neutral,  he  decided  on  going  to  Lyons,  which  belonged 
by  right  to  the  kingdom  of  Aries,  but  was  in  reality  a 
free    and    flourishing  commune   situated  most  advan- 
tageously for  the  necessary  communications.      Though 
still  weak  from  a  very  dangerous  illness,  Innocent  con- 
fronted the  hardships  of  a  winter  journey,  and  crossing 
Mont  Cenis,  he  reached  Lyons  on  the  2nd  of  December 
1  244,  whence  a  few  days  later  he  convoked  the  coun- 
cil for  the  24th  of  June  of  the  following  year.     The 
chief  object  of  the  council,  according  to  the  Pope,  was 
to  provide  for  the  wretched  state  of  the  Holy  Land, 
and  the  sad  condition  of  the  Latin  Empire  of  Con- 
stantinople, to  find  some  remedy  against  the  Tartars, 
to  examine  the   differences  between  the   Church  and 
Frederick,  to  whom,  in  his  encyclical  letter,  Innocent 
did  not  give  the  title  of  Emperor,  and  who,  he  added, 
had  been  cited  to  appear  in  person  or  in  the  person  of 
his    ambassadors   before  the  council,  to  reply  to  the 
accusations  against  him  and  give  suitable  satisfaction. 
This  last  object  was  in  truth  the  one  the  Pope  had 
at  heart,   and  for   which  the   council  was  held,  after 


Innocent  IV.  209 

some  more  efforts  had  been  made  at  a  reconciliation, 
which  were  as  usual  unsuccessful  on  account  of  insin- 
cerity on  both  sides.  Frederick  sent  the  Archbishop 
of  Palermo  and  the  jurist  Thadda3us  of  Sessa  to  the 
council  to  maintain  his  reasons,  while  he  himself,  after 
holding  a  great  parliament  at  Verona,  in  which  he 
hinted  at  the  possibility  of  his  attending  the  council 
in  person,  proceeded  to  Piedmont  to  superintend 
thence  the  course  of  events.  At  the  council  the  Eng- 
lish bishops  had  presented  themselves  in  but  small 
numbers,  and  this  was  still  more  the  case  with  the 
Germans,  for  the  Pope  and  the  Curia  had  aroused 
much  mistrust  and  discontent  by  their  greed  and 
ambition ;  still  about  a  hundred  and  forty  prelates 
were  present,  and  those  the  most  hostile  to  Frederick, 
against  whom  very  grave  accusations  were  brought  of 
heresy,  licentiousness,  and  Mussulman  sympathies.  In 
vain  did  Thaddeeus  of  Sessa  try  to  defend  his  master ; 
good  or  sophistical  answers  met  all  his  arguments,  and 
every  attempt  at  reply  was  rejected.  At  last,  on  the 
17th  of  July  1245,  Innocent,  after  a  long  enumera- 
tion of  all  the  grievances  of  the  Church,  renewed  the 
sentence  of  excommunication  against  Frederick,  and 
declared  him  deposed  from  the  Empire. 

Frederick  was  not  disheartened  by  this  prelude  of 
a  deadly  struggle,  yet  from  that  time  his  chances  fell 
lower  and  lower,  and  a  mysterious  power  seemed  to 
shatter  every  effort  he  made  to  recover  his  old  fortune. 
He  immediately  sent  letters  to  the  princes  and  clergy 
of  Europe  denying  the  Pope's  right  to  depose  him, 
declaring  the  council  invalid,  and  the  sentence  against 
him  to  have  been  inspired  by  the  Pope's  personal  hate, 
C.H.  0 


210     The  Popes  axd  the  IIohenstaufen. 

and  based  solely  on  calumny.  Frederick  exhorted  all 
kings  to  make  common  cause  with  him  against  the 
Pontiff,  and  to  be  on  their  guard  against  the  plots  of 
the  clergy,  whose  ambitious  and  greedy  corruption  he 
pointed  out.  Innocent,  for  his  part,  did  not  keep 
silence  either,  and  met  accusation  with  accusation, 
argument  with  argument,  showing  that  the  Pontiff  had 
the  power  of  deposing  the  Emperor,  even  though  not 
other  kings,  sovereigns  by  hereditary  right;  and  that 
as  to  the  kingdom  of  Sicily,  he  could  dispose  of  it 
because  it  was  a  fief  of  the  Holy  See.  Specious 
arguments,  which,  however,  show  how  once  more  the 
course  of  time  had  brought  a  change  in  the  current 
of  thought,  and  a  new  idea  of  public  right  was  arising 
to  free  secular  power  from  the  authority  of  the  Church, 
just  when  this  latter  was  most  proudly  asserting  her- 
self. The  European  princes  in  this  clashing  of  rights 
and  claims  remained  neutral,  leaving  the  two  cham- 
pions to  fight  it  out  together. 

The  first  sign  of  war  was  the  redoubled  movement 
of  the  Lombard  Guelphs,  incited  to  it  by  the  Pope, 
who  helped  them  largely  with  the  money  which  he 
collected  from  all  parts  of  Christendom  and  spent  with- 
out hesitation.  The  Guelph  cities  became  stronger 
and  more  threatening;  among  the  Ghibelline  towns 
there  were  secret  intrigues,  intended  to  give  preva- 
lence to  the  Guelph  faction ;  and  the  Minorite  friars 
continued  to  be  the  principal  agents  of  these  intrigues, 
bearing  with  indomitable  courage  even  torture  and 
death,  which  Frederick  and  his  followers  often  inflicted 
on  them.  In  Sicily  also  malcontents  began  again  to 
stir,    and   those   Saracens   who    had   remained   in  the 


Innocent  IV.  211 

island  were  especially  obnoxious  ;  while  Germany  gave 
the  Emperor  more  and  more  anxiety  as  the  Papal 
emissaries  carried  on  an  active  propaganda  there,  now 
in  secret,  now  openly,  against  the  new  Nero,  the  new 
Julian,  the  enemy  of  the  faith  and  abettor  of  heresies 
and  schisms.  The  Pope,  too,  aroused  the  ambitions 
of  the  Electors  by  inviting  them  to  nominate  another 
King  of  the  Romans,  to  whom  he  promised  his  sup- 
port and  the  crown  of  the  Empire.  In  vain  did  the  King 
of  France  intercede  with  the  Pope,  and  in  an  inter- 
view with  him  at  Cluny  remind  him  of  the  advan- 
tage for  Christendom  of  a  real  peace  between  the 
Church  and  Empire,  and  how  the  expedition  of  the 
Holy  Land  would  be  sure  of  success  if  joined  by 
Frederick.  The  holy  ardour  of  the  pious  warrior  of 
France  could  not  kindle  the  cold  nature  of  this  priest, 
firm  in  his  belief  that  only  in  the  complete  ruin  of  her 
great  enemy  could  the  Church  find  lasting  safety. 

Feeling  himself  entangled  in  a  net  of  enemies  who 
reached  everywhere  and  were  wily  and  unscrupulous, 
the  natural  mistrust  of  Frederick's  nature  increased ; 
and  while  resolute  in  resistance,  he  began,  not  with- 
out reason,  to  dread  everywhere  around  him  treason 
and  deceit.  At  the  end  of  the  summer  of  1245,  after 
collecting  his  forces,  he  again  took  the  field  against 
the  Lombards,  and  for  some  months  many  engage- 
ments took  place  in  various  places  between  the  leagued 
armies  and  King  Enzio  or  Frederick  himself,  who 
attacked  more  especially  the  Milanese ;  but  these 
latter  confronted  him  manfully,  and  would  not  let 
him  pass  the  Ticino,  so  that  towards  November  Frede- 
rick abandoned  the  enterprise  for  the  time  being,  and 


212      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

went  to  Tuscany,  where  he  held  himself  ready  to  go 
wherever  he  was  most  needed.  And  indeed  in  the 
south  a  rebellious  spirit  was  abroad ;  for  the  Pope,  by 
means  of  his  emissaries  and  legates,  kept  alive  the 
irritation  of  the  discontented,  excited  ambitions,  and 
at  least  indirectly  favoured  desertion  and  treason.  In 
Germany  also  Innocent  laboured  in  the  same  sense, 
renewing  his  invitation  to  the  Electors  to  nominate  a 
new  king,  without  any  regard  for  Conrad,  who  was 
already  King  of  the  Romans,  and  on  whom  no  sentence 
of  excommunication  or  deposition  rested.  Henceforth 
not  only  Frederick  himself,  but  all  his  race  were 
condemned  by  the  holy  wrath  of  the  Curia,  and  for 
them  consideration  or  recognition  of  rights  no  longer 
existed.  At  the  most,  Conrad  might  have  obtained  this 
recognition  had  he  been  willing  to  betray  his  father,  nor 
were  indirect  invitations  to  do  so  wanting,  but  he  repelled 
them.  The  German  Electors  at  first  hesitated,  unwill- 
ing to  yield  to  Papal  wishes,  but  Innocent  so  incited, 
flattered,  and  insisted,  that  finally  a  part  of  them,  in- 
cluding the  archbishops  of  Cologne,  Mentz,  and  Triers, 
gave  their  votes  to  Henry  of  Raspe,  Landgrave  of 
Thuringia.  Frederick  had  heaped  benefits  and  honours 
upon  the  Landgrave,  but  he  was  a  man  untroubled  by 
scruples,  and,  taking  the  title  of  King  of  the  Romans, 
he  prepared  to  sustain  it  by  force  against  Conrad,  who 
attacked  him,  but  was  defeated  on  the  banks  of  the 
Main  on  the  25th  July  1246,  to  the  great  joy  of 
Innocent,  who  redoubled  his  efforts  to  stir  up  the  Ger- 
mans, and  especially  to  detach  from  Frederick  the  most 
powerful  of  his  friends,  Otto,  Duke  of  Bavaria.  In  this, 
however,  he  failed,  and  even  the  Duke  gave  his  daughter 


Innocent  IV.  213 

Elizabeth  in  marriage  to  Conrad,  from  which  union  was 
to  spring  the  last  heir  of  a  house  doomed  to  the  end  to 
tragic  destinies.  Conrad  again  took  the  field,  and  in 
his  turn  inflicted  a  thorough  defeat  on  Henry  of  Raspe, 
who  fled  into  Thuringia  and  died  soon  after.  To  Inno- 
cent was  left  the  difficult  task  of  finding  in  divided 
Germany  another  pretender  capable  of  successfully  op- 
posing the  Suabians. 

From  Lyons  meanwhile  the  Pope,  by  means  of  his 
adherents,  multiplied  Frederick's  enemies  in  Italy, 
inviting  them  openly  to  rebellion,  and  absolving  them 
from  their  oath  of  fidelity.  Many  plots  sprang  up,  and 
Frederick,  when  at  Grosseto,  had  information  of  a  vast 
network  of  conspiracy  which  threatened  his  throne  and 
life.  He  was  much  grieved  and  angered,  for  among 
the  conspirators  were  many  whom  he  had  benefited  and 
whom  he  had  held  to  be  proved  friends  ;  among  others, 
two  sons  of  the  Grand  Justiciary  Andrea  Morra, 
Andrea  Cicala,  formerly  captain-general  in  Calabria, 
Theobald  Francesco,  who  had  been  podesta,  at  Parma, 
the  family  of  Sanseverino,  and  many  other  influential 
barons.  When  discovered,  they  took  refuge  in  Apulia, 
but,  overtaken  and  defeated,  part  of  them  escaped  to 
Rome,  or  at  least  within  the  southern  limits  of  the 
Papal  state,  whence  they  continued  to  conspire  under 
the  protection  of  the  Pope  ;  part  shut  themselves  up  in 
the  castles  of  Scala  and  Capaccio,  in  the  territory  of 
Salerno,  not  hoping  to  save  their  life,  but  determined 
to  sell  it  dear  to  the  sovereign  they  had  betrayed. 
Frederick  moved  to  Naples  after  holding  a  court  at 
Grosseto,  in  which  he  prepared  plans  for  new  expedi- 
tions in  North  Italy.      He  found  Scala  already  taken, 


214      The  Popes  and  the  Hoiienstaufen. 

and  ho  surrounded  Capaccio,  which  the  rebels  defended 
desperately  to  the  end.  When  it  fell,  Frederick  showed 
himself  merciless,  and  his  passionate  nature  exacted  ven- 
geance, not  for  the  offended  majesty  of  the  sovereign 
only,  but  for  the  vile  ingratitude  with  which  his  bene- 
fits had  been  repaid.  Under  torture  at  Naples  the 
chief  rebels  declaimed  themselves  guilty  and  encouraged 
by  the  Pope.  Some  were  instantly  hanged  or  burnt 
alive  or  drowned  in  the  sea  :  but  others,  after  beino- 
horribly  mutilated  and  blinded,  were  dragged  as  a 
show  and  warning  from  city  to  city  and  then  cast  to 
the  flames.  Many  wives  and  daughters  of  these  rebel- 
lious barons  disappeared  for  ever  and  perished  in  dark 
prisons. 

Frederick  complained  loudly  against  Innocent,  pub- 
licly accusing  him  of  having  plotted  against  his  life, 
but  soon  after  a  conspiracy  was  discovered  which 
aimed  at  removing  Innocent,  who  then  on  his  side 
threw  all  the  odium  on  his  enemy.  There  now  existed 
a  strong  personal  animosity  between  them,  and  they 
calumniated  each  other  both  from  mistrust  and  interest, 
each  attributing  to  the  other  a  misdeed  of  which  neither 
was  guilty.  After  putting  down  the  rebellions  on  the 
mainland,  Frederick  sent  reinforcements  to  Sicily  against 
the  turbulent  Saracens,  who,  on  their  submitting,  were 
treated  indulgently,  and  carried  in  great  part  out  of 
the  island  to  increase  the  colony  of  Lucera.  Thus 
Frederick  could  turn  once  more  to  North  Italy,  and 
in  May  1247  was  again  at  Cremona,  where,  with 
Eccelin  da  Romano  and  the  delegates  of  the  Ghibel- 
line  cities,  he  deliberated  regarding  the  approaching 
war.      At  the '  same  time  he  tried  to  lull  the  Guelphs 


Innocent  IV.  215 

to  sleep  by  spreading  the  report  that  negotiations  for 
peace  with  the  Church  were  on  foot  and  likely  to  be 
concluded.  Innocent,  however,  took  care  to  deny  this 
report  both  in  Lombardy  and  Germany,  sending  to 
the  former  assistance  and  advice  through  Cardinal 
Octavian  Ubaldini,  while  Cardinal  Peter  Capocci,  a 
clever,  determined  man,  went  to  Germany  to  hasten 
a  new  election  and  preach  a  crusade  against  the  de- 
posed Emperor.  Henceforth  the  banner  of  the  cross 
was  no  longer  unfurled  against  the  infidels,  and  the 
warriors  of  Christ  were  openly  counselled  by  the 
Pope  not  to  think  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  for  the 
moment.  First  must  be  hewn  down  this  noxious 
tree  which  overshadowed  the  territory  sacred  to  the 
Church. 

Frederick  did  not  shrink  before  Papal  menaces, 
and.  as  he  had  once  already  risen  in  arms  against 
Gregory  IX.  and  had  tried  to  take  him  prisoner, 
so  now  he  thought  to  conclude  the  struggle  by  a 
daring  blow  and  take  possession  of  this  obstinate 
Pope,  in  order  to  force  him  into  a  peace,  which 
his  long  blandishments  and  promises  had  failed  to 
persuade  him  into.  Frederick  imagined  that,  once 
the  Pope  was  caught,  he  would,  in  his  anxiety  to 
escape,  restrain  much  of  his  former  haughty  obduracy, 
and  yield  to  the  lay  authority  so  many  concessions 
as  to  weaken  all  future  efforts  of  the  spiritual  arm. 
But  in  this  Frederick  showed  a  strange  forgetful- 
ness  of  that  agile  tenacity  which  distinguished  Papal 
policy,  and  he  fell  into  an  error  already  so  often 
committed  in  the  past  of  history,  and  to  be  so  often 
repeated  in  the  future.      At  any  rate,  this  bold  stroke 


216     The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaupen. 

might  at  least  for  the  moment  succeed  and  give 
some  useful  results.  After  collecting  an  army  and 
securing  the  passes  of  the  Alps  by  means  of  a  few- 
concessions  to  the  Count  of  Savoy,  Frederick  sud- 
denly announced  his  intention  of  going  to  Lyons 
to  treat  personally  with  the  Pope,  and  of  thence 
passing  into  Germany.  The  King  of  France,  in 
some  anxiety  at  this,  offered  to  go  and  protect  the 
Pope  with  an  army;  but  Innocent,  fearing  lest  the 
protection  should  turn  into  a  mediation,  recommended 
delay  and  awaited  events.  He  knew  well  what 
he  was  doing,  for  when  Frederick  was  on  the  point 
of  starting,  an  unexpected  piece  of  news  obliged 
him  to  stop  and  to  change  his  course  of  action, 
unavoidably,  but  fatally  for  his  plans.  Thanks  to 
the  skilful  conduct  of  Cardinal  Gregory  of  Monte- 
longo,  a  pontifical  legate  in  Lombardy  and  the  soul 
of  the  League,  the  exiled  Guelphs,  and  among  them 
the  Pope's  relatives,  succeeded  in  entering  and  taking 
possession  of  Parma.  Now  Parma,  from  its  position, 
was  quite  the  citadel  of  the  imperial  party,  and  joined 
Tuscany  and  Central  Italy  to  Piedmont  and  to  the 
March  of  Treviso,  so  that  it  was  a  vital  question  to 
regain  it.  The  Guelphs  hastened  thither  from  all 
parts,  resolved  to  hold  it  against  the  Emperor,  who  in 
person  and  with  an  immense  army  surrounded  it  in  July 
I  247.  He  was  determined  to  take  the  city  at  what- 
ever cost,  but  the  long  and  glorious  resistance  of  the 
besieged  saved  the  Guelph  fortunes  in  Lombardy.  In 
vain  did  the  irritated  Emperor  repeat  the  horrors  with 
which  his  grandfather  had  tried  to  break  the  constancy 
of  Crema ;   he  met  with  a  constancy  which  was  equal 


Innocent  IV.  217 

and  more  fortunate.  Obliged  to  prolong  the  siege,  he 
built  a  new  city,  where  the  soldiers  could  spend  the 
winter  in  sight  of  the  enemy,  and  gave  it  the  name  of 
Vittoria.  The  founding  of  this  city  was  meant  evi- 
dently as  a  promise  of  Parma's  destruction,  but  the 
besieged  not  only  took  good  care  of  their  defences,  but 
on  the  1 8th  of  February  1248,  suddenly  falling  upon 
the  imperial  camp,  utterly  destroyed  it,  and  set  fire  to 
the  new  city.  It  was  a  terrible  disaster  for  Frederick, 
who,  flying  and  pursued,  took  refuge  in  Cremona, 
leaving  his  treasures  and  the  imperial  insignia  in  the 
hands  of  the  Guelphs,  who  thus  at  last  avenged  their 
own  defeat  of  ten  years  before  at  Cortenuova. 

For  some  other  months  Frederick  and  his  lieutenants 
tried  to  retrieve  their  defeat,  but  the  engraofements  all 
went  against  them,  and  as  ill-luck  was  followed  im- 
mediately by  desertion,  his  followers  became  daily 
fewer  and  more  lukewarm.  He  was  weakened  too  by 
illness  and  disheartened  by  the  sense  of  being  sur- 
rounded by  ungrateful  traitors.  The  struggle  between 
Ghibellines  and  Guelphs  lasted  very  tenaciously  in 
Italy,  but  it  grew  more  and  more  to  be  a  struggle 
between  city  and  city,  a  strife  of  local  parties  against 
opposing  ones,  and  every  day  the  idea  and  interests 
of  the  Empire  were  more  lost  sight  of.  Frederick, 
seeing  his  strength  waning,  again  spoke  of  peace 
with  the  Pope,  and  the  King  of  France,  who  was  just 
starting  for  Palestine,  renewed  his  efforts  at  media- 
tion, but  in  vain.  The  Pope  felt  that  his  adversary 
was  now  beaten  and  he  continued  pitiless.  Cardinal 
Capocci  in  Germany  had  orders  to  proceed  reso- 
lutely   to    the    destruction    of   the    authority    of   the 


2i8      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

Hohenstaufen,  and  he  executed  his  task  with  great 
firmness  and  caution.  Overcoming  many  doubts,  he 
succeeded  in  getting  elected  as  King  of  the  Romans, 
William,  the  young  Count  of  Holland,  and  crowned 
him  himself  at  Cologne.  The  Pope  sent  money  to  the 
new  king,  and  wrote  warmly  in  his  favour.  Among 
the  different  parties,  the  personal  ambition  of  the 
nobles,  and  the  tendency  of  many  large  cities  to  form 
free  communes,  Germany  fell  into  a  state  of  things 
against  which  King  Conrad's  forces  did  not  suffice, 
and  the  imperial  resources,  already  so  much  engaged 
in  Italy,  were  becoming  exhausted.  Frederick's  dis- 
trust of  his  own  strength  increased  daily,  as  also  his 
wrath  against  his  enemies  and  his  determination  to 
hold  out  till  the  very  end. 

While  Frederick  remained  in  Piedmont,  and  through 
opportune  concessions  was  ensuring  for  himself  the 
Count  of  Savoy's  friendship  and  making  peace  with 
Genoa,  Cardinal  Eayner,  the  Papal  vicar  in  Pome, 
was  threatening  to  invade  the  Sicilian  kingdom  and 
attempt  its  conquest,  so  that  Frederick  felt  it  needful 
to  hurry  to  the  spot,  while  the  Pope  from  a  distance 
incited  the  nobles  to  rebel.  Before  moving,  however, 
the  suspicion,  perhaps  the  certainty,  of  another  treason- 
able plot  added  gall  to  this  already  too  bitter  cup. 
The  matter  is  enveloped  in  mystery.  One  day  there 
was  put  suddenly  in  chains  at  Cremona  by  Frederick's 
orders  his  chancellor,  Pier  della  Vigna,  a  man  who 
had  received  so  many  benefits  from  him,  and  for  so 
many  years  had  held  the  keys  of  his  heart  and  woven 
with  him  the  woof  of  his  policy.  Soon  after,  in  the 
prison  ^  Pisa,  whither  the  Emperor  had  dragged  him, 


Innocent  IV.  219 

Pier  della  Vigna  killed  himself  in  despair,  and  this 
sad  suicide  inspired  one  of  the  most  striking  passages 
of  the  Divine  Comedy,  in  which  Dante  proclaims 
him  the  victim  of  calumny.  At  any  rate,  Frederick 
held  him  guilty,  and  his  mistrust  was  still  further 
increased  by  the  news  of  rebellion  in  Sicily,  by  seeing 
Eccelin  now  intent  on  creating  for  himself  an  inde- 
pendent principality  without  any  regard  to  the  im- 
perial interests,  and  last  of  all  by  his  doctor's  attempt 
to  poison  him,  of  which  he  publicly  accused  Innocent 
IV.,  and  was  led  to  exclaim,  "  Behold,  the  honesty  of 
the  prince  of  priests." 

In  the  midst  of  all  this,  the  embittered  sovereign 
re-entered  Apulia  towards  the  spring  of  1 249,  and 
found  the  government  in  great  disorder.  The  ex- 
cesses of  Saracens  and  Germans,  on  whom  of  late 
years  Frederick  had  specially  leaned,  the  hostile  clergy, 
and  the  extremely  heavy  taxes,  had  disposed  people 
against  him,  while  he,  being  already  in  a  state  of 
irritation  when  he  arrived,  made  matters  worse  by 
increasing  the  burdens  of  his  subjects  and  treating 
with  great  severity  all  who  were  or  whom  he  suspected 
of  being  his  enemies.  Innocent  profited  by  this  dis- 
content, and  redoubled  his  efforts,  having  the  crusade 
preached  against  Frederick,  and  sending  from  Ger- 
many into  the  Sicilian  kingdom  the  indefatigable  Car- 
dinal Capocci,  who  with  great  zeal  and  many  intrigues 
stirred  up  enemies  and  rebels  against  him  in  every 
corner.  When  these  were  forced  into  exile,  they  took 
refuge  close  to  the  borders  at  Anagni,  Subiaco,  and 
Palestrina,  where  they  received  succour  in  money  and 
provisions,   and    there   they   awaited  the    opportunity 


220      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

of  stealing  back  into  their  country  for  the  ruin  of  tho 
sovereign. 

Meanwhile,  things  were  going  on  badly  in  Lom- 
bardy,  and  in  the  continual  warfare  between  Guelphs 
and  Ghibellines  the  former  had  the  best  of  it.  Threat- 
ened by  the  Bolognese,  who  had  joined  the  league  of 
Romagna  and  of  the  Po  valley,  King  Enzio  determined 
to  free  himself  from  them  by  a  decisive  blow,  and 
attacked  them  on  the  29th  of  May  1249,  near  a  small 
tributary  of  the  Panaro  called  the  Fossalta,  but  was 
defeated  and  taken  prisoner,  and  so  the  career  of  the 
gallant  young  King  of  Sardinia  was  closed  all  at  once 
and  for  ever  in  the  honourable  imprisonment  in  which 
the  Bolognese  kept  liim  for  the  remainder  of  his  life. 
In  vain  Frederick  entreated,  flattered,threatened,in  order 
to  obtain  his  son's  freedom,  every  effort  of  his  was  power- 
less against  the  determined  pride  of  those  burghers. 
For  a  year  longer  the  Emperor  struggled  on  amid  war, 
oppression,  and  conspiracy,  but  his  health  no  longer 
could  resist  the  strain.  On  the  1 3th  of  December  1250, 
in  a  castle  near  Lucera,  Frederick  II.  of  Hohenstaufen 
resigned  his  weary  spirit,  after  an  adventurous  reign  of 
half  a  century,  which  was  full  of  contradictions  in  its 
fortunes  and  vicissitudes,  in  its  virtues  and  its  crimes, 
as  was  the  character  of  the  prince  and  of  the  times  in 
which  he  lived.  Heir  to  a  principle  now  wearing  out, 
yet  of  a  subtle  and  pliable  nature,  he  felt  the  influence 
of  the  transformations  taking  place  in  the  world  around 
him,  but  could  not  always  trace  their  path.  With 
Frederick  II.,  although  he  was  more  an  Italian  than 
a  German  Emperor,  every  vital  element  of  the  Empire 
in  Italy  faded  away. 


(      221      ) 


CHAPTER    XI Y. 
(1250-1258.) 

INNOCENT  IV.  AND  FREDERICK  II.'S  SUCCESSORS, 
CONRAD  AND  MANFRED. 

Frederick  II.  had,  in  his  will,  left  to  Conrad,  King  of 
the  Romans,  the  thrones  of  Germany  and  Italy,  and  in 
case  of  Conrad's  dying  childless,  his  brother  Henry, 
son  of  Isabella  of  England,  and  still  a  child,  was  to 
succeed  him.  To  his  grandson  Frederick,  son  of  the 
rebel  Henry,  he  left  the  duchy  of  Austria.  Manfred, 
fruit  of  the  Emperor's  amours  with  Bianca  Lancia, 
and  later  made  legitimate  by  a  subsequent  marriage, 
was  created  Prince  of  Taranto  and  viceroy  of  Sicily 
during  the  absence  of  Conrad.  His  natural  sons, 
Frederick  of  Antioch  and  Enzio,  were  not  mentioned 
in  the  will. 

The  merciless  hatred  of  the  Popes  formed  part  of 
the  inheritance  of  Frederick's  sons.  Innocent  IV., 
who  publicly  rejoiced  over  the  Emperor's  death,  in- 
stantly set  to  work,  and  hoped  to  succeed  in  speedily 
annihilating  this  "  race  of  vipers,"  which  he  had 
doomed  to  destruction.  But  Frederick's  sons  pos- 
sessed all  the  old  Suabian  vigour  and  the  struggle 
continued.      Discord  and  anarchy  were  rife  in   Ger- 


222       The  Popes  axd  the  Hohexstaufen. 

many  and  Italy,  but  in  the  former  Conrad  held  his 
own  against  his  rival  William  of  Holland,  while  in 
Italy  the  young  Manfred,  suddenly  revealing  himself 
as  a  statesman  and  warrior,  saved  his  brother's  king- 
dom. Manfred  was  but  eighteen  when  his  father 
died ;  he  was  fair,  handsome,  and  of  graceful  pre- 
sence;  his  intellect  was  .ready  and  versatile,  and  at 
his  father's  court  he  had  grown  up  fond  of  arts  and 
letters  and  anxious  to  distinguish  himself  in  arms, 
generous,  affable,  firm  in  chararcter  but  lax  in  morals, 
and  caring  little  for  religion.  On  his  father's  death 
he  seized  the  regency,  while  Cardinal  Capocci,  follow- 
ing the  Pope's  orders,  stirred  up  the  kingdom  and 
incited  many  cities  to  rebellion,  among  which  Barletta, 
Capua,  and  Naples,  and  nearly  all  the  country  between 
the   Gario-liano   and  the  Volturno.     Manfred  was  un- 

O 

dismayed  ;  though  without  monev,  he  collected  soldiers, 
regained  Andria  and  Foggia,  and  marching  rapidly 
on  Barletta,  tried  to  take  it  by  storm.  The  citizens 
defended  themselves  with  such  a  hail  of  stones  and 
arrows  from  the  walls  that  the  assailants  hesitated, 
till  Manfred  flung  himself  to  the  front,  and  the  sol- 
diers, encouraged  by  the  intrepidity  of  their  youthful 
leader,  followed  him,  and  Barletta  was  taken.  Nor 
was  it  long  before  the  kingdom  was  subdued,  with 
the  exception  of  a  few  cities  like  Capua  and  Naples, 
against  which  Manfred  made  some  fruitless  attempts. 

The  Pope  meanwhile  thought  it  better  for  his  object 
to  leave  Lyons  and  return  to  Italy;  but  first  he  sought 
an  interview  with  William  of  Holland,  whose  elec- 
tion he  confirmed,  and  renewing  his  anathemas,  he  had 
the  crusade  preached  against  Conrad  in  Germany.     On 


Conrad  and  Manfred.  223 

his  return  to  Italy  in  the  spring  of  1  2  5  1,  he  stopped 
at  Genoa  and  Milan,  and  in  many  towns  of  Lombardy, 
received  everywhere  with  great  honour,  under  which, 
however,  a  certain  feeling  of  mistrust  was  ill  concealed. 
During  his  journey  he  tried  everywhere,  but  with  little 
result,  to  strengthen  the  Guelphs  and  reconcile  the 
Ghibellines  ;  nor  did  he  hesitate  to  try  to  gain  the 
friendship  of  Eccelin  da  Romano,  who,  however,  con- 
scious that  his  strength  depended  on  the  Ghibellines, 
held  out  against  the  Pope's  blandishments.  Innocent 
aimed  at  entering  Rome,  but  he  thought  it  prudent 
not  to  trust  himself  too  hastily  to  a  city  which  had 
always  shown  such  fickleness  and  unfriendliness  towards 
the  Popes.      He  stopped  therefore  at  Perugia. 

But  he  was  not  the  only  one  to  seek  Italy,  which 
became  the  chief  theatre  of  events,  for  a  few  months 
later  Conrad  of  Hohenstaufen  also  betook  himself 
thither.  Seeing  that  the  present  state  of  Germany 
allowed  of  no  decisive  action  either  on  his  own  or  his 
adversary's  part,  Conrad  resolved  to  go  and  make  sure 
of  the  kingdom  of  Sicily,  and  thwart  the  Papal  designs 
by  rousing  the  Ghibelline  party  in  Italy.  He  left  in 
Germany  his  queen,  Elizabeth,  who  was  near  her  con- 
finement, reached  Verona  in  the  November  of  1  2  5  I , 
held  in  the  neighbouring  Goito  a  diet,  which  was 
attended  by  Eccelin  and  the  principal  Ghibelline 
leaders,  and  took  counsel  with  them  ;  then,  to  avoid 
hindrances,  embarked  with  his  troops  near  Trieste, 
and  on  reaching  the  Neapolitan  coast,  disembarked  at 
Siponto,  where  Manfred  was  waiting  as  if  to  hand  over 
to  him  the  kingdom  he  had  saved.  At  first  Conrad 
showed  great  gratitude  to  his  brother,  heaped  honours 


224      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

upon  him,  and  appointed  him  high  constable  of  the 
realm,  but  soon  there  came  a  change.  Of  a  sullen  and 
haughty  disposition,  a  complete  stranger  to  the  country 
he  came  to  rule,  Conrad  could  hardly  be  expected  to 
look  favourably  on  the  popular  young  prince,  full  of 
grace  and  courage,  who  had  already  taken  so  pro- 
minent a  part  in  state  affairs,  and  naturally  attracted 
attention  and  sympathy.  Gradually,  under  one  pre- 
text or  another,  he  deprived  him  of  almost  all  the  fiefs 
left  him  by  his  father,  and  sent  out  of  the  kingdom 
Manfred's  relatives  on  his  mother's  side,  who  were 
rich  in  possessions  and  followers.  Manfred  made  no 
resistance,  and  continued  to  serve  his  brother  faithfully, 
hiding  any  vexation  he  may  have  felt. 

Conrad — to  whom  a  son,  Conradin,  was  born  in  Ger- 
many in  March  1252 — made  an  effort  to  reconcile  the 
Pope  by  sending  ambassadors  to  Perugia,  who  were 
received,  but  their  proposals  were  rejected,  so  that  the 
hatred  between  the  two  parties  grew  more  bitter.  As 
in  the  times  of  Frederick,  both  camps  began  again  to 
hurl  horrible  accusations  at  each  other ;  and  Conrad, 
accused  by  the  Pope  of  poisoning  his  nephew,  Frederick, 
Duke  of  Austria,  believed  rather  that  he  himself  was 
in  danger  from  Innocent,  and  consequently  increased 
in  severity  against  the  Papal  partisans,  and  was  con- 
firmed in  his  determination  to  quell  with  fire  and 
sword  the  ever-spreading  rebellion.  Collecting  all 
his  forces,  and  accompanied  by  Manfred,  he  subdued 
the  rebellious  towns  very  sternly,  then  approached 
the  walls  of  Naples,  resolved  to  take  the  town  at 
any  cost.  The  Neapolitans,  dreading  Conrad's  severity, 
were  equally  resolved  to  resist ;  and  the  Pope,  seeing 


Conrad  and  Manfred.  225 

how  vital  the  taking  of  Naples  was  to  his  enemy, 
encouraged  the  besieged  and  tried  to  divide  the 
besieger's  forces  by  creating  difficulties  for  him  else- 
where. The  Papal  emissaries  laboured  without  rest 
in  Lombardy  and  Germany  to  change  Conrad's  ad- 
herents into  enemies ;  but  Conrad  did  not  for  this 
leave  the  walls  of  Naples,  which  resisted  long  and 
despei'ately,  and  only  after  nine  months'  siege  sur- 
rendered, with  entreaties  for  mercy  to  Conrad,  who 
proved  merciless.  This  victory,  and  the  severity 
which  followed  it,  ensured  the  possession  of  the  king- 
dom, and  Conrad  was  soon  able  to  return  to  Germany, 
while  the  Pope  sought  new  means  of  opposing  him, 
and  desired  to  find  some  foreign  prince  who  would 
undertake  the  conquest  of  Sicily.  He  entered  into 
treaty  in  England,  first  with  Richard  of  Cornwall, 
then  with  Edmund,  son  of  Henry  III.,  to  induce  one 
of  them  to  accept  the  investiture ;  but  these  negotia- 
tions failed  for  the  time,  and  so  did  others  with 
Charles  of  Anjou,  brother  of  the  French  king.  This 
greedy  and  ambitious  prince  was  longing  to  assume 
the  rich  Sicilian  crown,  but  he  could  not  accept  the 
invitation.  King  Louis  was  in  the  East,  the  French 
Crusaders  had  been  unfortunate,  the  country  was  im- 
poverished, and  the  times  were  too  unsettled  for  an 
arduous  and  costly  expedition.  Innocent  renewed  his 
solicitations  in  England,  and  meanwhile  betook  him- 
self to  Rome,  where  he  was  pretty  well  received  by 
the  Romans,  who,  however,  under  the  rule  of  a  power- 
ful and  resolute  senator,  the  Bolognese  Brancaleone 
d'Andalo,  were  maintaining  their  municipal  indepen- 
dence, and  did  not  practically  recognise  the  Pontiff  as 
C.  H.  P 


226       The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

their  prince.  Other  attempts  of  Conrad's  to  reconcile 
the  Pope  not  only  failed,  but  ended  in  a  sentence  of 
excommunication.  The  Pope's  courage  had  greatly 
increased,  because  Henry  III.  had  consented  that  his 
son  Edmund  should  accept  the  investiture  of  Sicily,  a 
consent  which  was  more  easily  obtained  owing  to  the 
death  of  Henry,  the  brother  of  Conrad  and  nephew  on 
the  mother's  side  to  the  English  king-  who  would  have 
been  unwilling  to  usurp  his  nephew's  eventual  rights. 
It  is  also  said  that  the  Papal  emissaries  made  skilful 
use  of  calumny,  insinuating  that  Conrad  had  poisoned 
his  brother  ;  and  certainly  the  accusation  spread  among 
the  Guelphs  and  in  the  Curia,  but  it  was  based  on 
hostility,  and  had  no  foundation  in  fact. 

While  the  Pope  was  redoubling  his  efforts  and  in- 
trigues to  carry  Edmund  into  Sicily,  an  unexpected 
occurrence  appeared  to  modify  his  intentions.  When 
preparing  to  return  to  Germany,  Conrad  of  Hohen- 
staufen died,  after  a  very  short  illness,  on  the  2 1  st 
of  May  1254.  He  was  twenty-six  years  of  age,  and 
in  difficult  circumstances  he  had  proved  himself  a  very 
resolute  prince  and  courageous  warrior,  but  had  no 
opportunity  of  showing  whether  he  also  possessed 
statesmanlike  qualities.  He  left  as  heir  of  his  con- 
tested realms  the  child  Conradin,  who  was  in  Germany 
with  his  mother  Elizabeth,  and  appointed  as  regent  the 
Marquis  Berthold  of  Hohenburg,  instructing  him  to 
seek  reconciliation  with  the  Pope.  To  Manfred  he 
merely  recommended  his  son's  interests,  without  giving 
him  any  special  title  or  position  in  the  kingdom  of 
Sicily,  which  thus  remained  in  the  hands  of  a  German 
soldier  unversed  in  its  affairs  and  disliked  by  the  people. 


Innocent  IV.  and  Manfred.  227 

Bertliold  of  Hohenburg  soon  found  the  regency  a 
difficult  task,  and  after  vain  efforts  at  reconciliation 
with  the  Pope,  he  ended  by  giving  up  the  reins 
of  government  to  Manfred,  who  accepted  them  with 
at  least  seeming  hesitation.  Innocent  had  drawn 
nearer  to  the  boundaries  of  the  kingdom  bv  taking 
up  his  residence  at  Anagni,  whence  he  sent  orders 
on  all  sides  to  collect  troops.  Seeing  that  Manfred 
was  weak,  without  money,  suspected  by  the  German 
barons  and  by  some  of  the  Sicilians,  who  were  secretly 
drawn  into  the  opposition  by  Papal  emissai'ies,  Innocent, 
neglecting  the  interests  of  the  English  prince  with 
whom  he  was  in  treaty,  sought  rather  to  hasten  him- 
self the  conquest  of  the  Sicilian  kingdom,  with  the 
intention  perhaps  of  bestowing  it  later  under  con- 
ditions of  greater  vassalage.  Manfred,  on  his  side, 
was  conscious  of  the  difficulty  of  his  position,  and  felt 
that  his  only  safety  lay  in  temporising ;  for  the  Pope 
was  old  and  infirm  and  might  not  live  long.  He 
therefore  offered  him  the  guardianship  of  Conradin  and 
the  regency,  declaring  himself  disposed  to  receive  him 
and  give  into  his  hands  the  strong  places  of  the  realm, 
with  due  regard,  however,  to  his  own  and  his  nephew's 
rights. 

It  is  not  easy  to  say  how  far  Manfred's  offer  was 
genuine,  but  the  Pope  seemed  very  much  pleased  with 
it,  and  he  soon  freed  the  prince  from  excommunica- 
tion, confirmed  him  in  the  possession  of  all  his  fiefs, 
including  those  which  Conrad  had  taken  from  him, 
and  appointed  him  apostolic  vicar  over  a  large  part  of 
the  kingdom  ;  but  touching  Conradin  he  held  himself 
more  in  reserve.     What  the  astute  Pontiff  also  wanted 


228      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

was  time  to  cross  the  frontier  without  opposition. 
Manfred  went  to  meet  liim  at  Ceprano,  and  on  his 
entrance  into  the  kingdom  at  the  bridge  over  the 
Garigliano  paid  him  liege  homage,  leading  his  palfrey 
by  the  bridle,  and  together  they  went  to  San  Germano. 
Thence  after  a  few  days  they  proceeded  to  Teano, 
while  the  Papal  troops,  under  the  Cardinal  of  St.  Eus- 
tachius,  went  on  to  take  possession  of  many  important 
fortresses.  Repeated  were  the  demonstrations  of  devo- 
tion on  one  side  and  benevolence  on  the  other,  but 
under  these  lying  appearances  a  reality  of  hatred  and 
intrigue  was  smouldering,  and  Manfred  soon  became 
aware  that  the  Pope  was  in  truth  master  of  the  realm. 
Innocent,  gradually  feeling  himself  stronger,  began  to 
cool  in  his  behaviour  towards  Manfred,  and  the  in- 
creasing ambiguity  of  his  conduct  showed  a  disposi- 
tion to  separate  Manfred's  last  followers  from  him  and 
to  flatter  his  enemies.  Among  these  latter  there  was 
then  at  Teano  a  baron,  Burrello  of  Anglona,  who  had 
received  benefits  from  both  Manfred  and  King  Conrad, 
but  was  now  disputing  one  of  Manfred's  fiefs  on  the 
pretext  that  the  Pope  had  granted  it  to  him.  The 
Pope,  on  being  questioned,  replied  vaguely,  not  daring 
to  do  the  prince  an  open  injustice,  yet  unwilling  to 
favour  him,  so  that  Manfred,  more  and  more  irritated 
and  suspicious,  left  the  Papal  court,  on  the  plea  of 
going  to  meet  the  Marquis  Berthold  of  Hohenburg, 
whu  was  on  his  way.  And  indeed  he  was  anxious  to 
see  him,  and  prevent  him,  an  ambitious  and  discon- 
tented man,  from  throwing  himself  into  the  Pope's 
arms,  and  thus  destroying  the  last  chance  of  preserving 
the  kingdom  to  the  Suabian  dynasty. 


Innocent  IV.  and  Manfred.  229 

On  leaving  Teano,  at  a  short  distance  from  the 
town,  Manfred  and  his  followers  met  Burrello  in  a 
narrow  and  dangerous  pass,  as  if  the  latter  were  there 
in  ambush,  or  at  least  in  an  attitude  of  defiance. 
Manfred's  soldiers  flung  themselves  on  those  of  the 
baron,  and  he  took  to  flight,  but  was  followed  and  killed, 
against  Manfred's  wish,  according  to  the  chroniclers 
on  his  side — by  his  express  order,  according  to  the 
Guelpbs.  What  is  certain  is,  that  after  Burrello's 
death  Manfred  felt  that  he  must  hasten  on,  as  pro- 
bably he  would  be  followed  by  the  Papal  troops. 
Wherever  he  went  there  was  danger,  especially  in  the 
Terra  di  Lavoro,  which  was  now  wholly  occupied  by 
the  Pope's  soldiers,  where  the  people  were  frightened, 
and  he  might  at  any  moment  be  taken  prisoner. 
After  many  adventures  he  reached  Acerra,  and  thence 
asked  for  an  interview  with  Berthold  of  Hohenburg, 
who,  however,  avoided  him,  and  proceeded  straight  to 
the  Papal  court,  where  he  pretended  to  join  the  envoy 
sent  by  Manfred  to  excuse  the  death  of  Burrello,  but 
in  reality  seems  to  have  worked  on  the  Pope  in  a 
contrary  sense.  Manfred's  uncle,  the  faithful  Galvano 
Lancia,  who  was  at  the  court  to  further  his  interests, 
sent  warning  to  his  nephew,  and  advised  him  to  go  to 
Lucera,  where  the  Saracen  troops  would  protect  him. 
Manfred  followed  the  advice,  and  leaving  Acerra,  he 
again  started  on  his  dangerous  march,  first  as  far  as 
Venosa,  whence  on  the  1st  of  November  1254,  almost 
alone,  by  difficult  paths  and  on  a  rainy  night,  he  left  for 
Lucera.  In  the  morniug  he  was  in  sight  of  the  walls, 
which  he  approached  with  only  three  of  his  most  inti- 
mate followers,  and  telling  the  guards  of  one  of  the 


230      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

gates  who  ho  was,  asked  that  they  would  let  him  in. 
The  guards  had  not  the  keys  of  the  gate,  but  hurst  it 
<»pon,  and  raising  him  on  their  shoulders,  bore  him  in 
triumph  through  the  city.  He  took  the  command  of 
his  faithful  Saracens,  and  found  at  Lucera  a  nucleus  of 
troops  wherewith  to  restore  the  fortunes  of  his  family. 
The  turn  of  the  tide  was  again  favourable,  for  at 
Lucera  he  also  found  much  treasure,  and  was  able  to 
form  a  vigorous  army,  with  which  he  went  towards 
Foggia,  and  took  it  after  defeating  Otto  of  Hohen- 
burg,  Berthold's  brother.  This  defeat  terrified  the 
cardinal  legate,  who  was  encamped  at  Troia  with  the 
mass  of  the  Papal  army,  which  fled  in  great  disorder  to 
Naples,  whither  the  Papal  court  had  moved. 

At  Naples  the  fugitives  found  that  Innocent  IV. 
had  died  on  the  7th  of  December  1254,  and  the  car- 
dinals, out  of  heart  on  seeing  the  army  arrive  in  such 
disorder,  were  hardly  to  be  prevailed  upon  by  Berthold 
of  Hohenburg  not  to  fly  from  Naples,  but  to  remain 
there  and  elect  the  new  Pope,  who  was  the  Cardinal  of 
Ostia,  Eainald,  of  that  same  family  of  Segni  which 
had  already  given  the  Popes  Innocent  III.  and  Gre- 
gory IX.  He  took  the  name  of  Alexander  IV.,  and  at 
first  showed  more  moderation  with  regard  to  Manfred, 
whose  troops  had  various  successes  over  the  Papal 
ones,  which  were  led  by  Cardinal  Ubaldini,  suspected 
later  of  secretly  favouring  the  prince.  Meanwhile, 
some  envoys  sent  from  Germany  by  Elizabeth,  the 
mother  of  Conradin,  and  by  his  uncle  the  Duke  of 
Bavaria,  confirmed  Manfred  as  guardian  of  the  boy- 
king  and  regent  of  the  kingdom,  and  went  to  the 
Pope    with   proposals   of  peace.     The   Pope  did    not 


Alexander  IV.  and  Manfred.  2^1 


seem  averse  to  it,  and  during  the  negotiations  con- 
cluded a  truce  ;  but  the  cardinal  legate  broke  it  by 
moving  his  troops  in  such  a  way  as  to  interrupt  Man- 
fred's communication  with  Lucera,  on  which  Manfred 
indignantly  resumed  hostilities  and  inflicted  a  tremen- 
dous defeat  on  the  pontifical  troops.  The  Cardinal, 
reduced  to  extremities,  proposed  an  agreement.  The 
Pope  was  to  recognise  Oonradin  and  Manfred,  and  to 
invest  them  with  all  the  kingdom  except  the  Terra  di 
Lavoro,  which  was  to  become  a  direct  possession  of  the 
Church.  Manfred  accepted  the  conditions,  allowed 
the  legate  to  retire  with  his  soldiers,  and  granted  a 
fall  pardon  to  Berthold  of  Hohenburg,  and  to  the 
other  barons  who  had  fought  against  him  and  now 
returned  to  their  allegiance. 

When  the  Cardinal  Ubaldini  submitted  these  terms 
to  the  Pope,  there  were  great  outcries  in  the  Curia  ;  the 
cardinal  was  accused  of  betraying  the  Guelph  interests, 
and  the  terms  were  rejected.  The  negotiations  with 
the  King  of  England  had  been  again  more  actively 
resumed,  and  Henry  had  promised  to  undertake  an 
expedition  into  Sicily  in  favour  of  his  son  Edmund, 
and  settled  with  the  Holy  See  the  conditions  of  the 
investiture ;  but  in  reality  he  never  was  able  to  keep 
his  promise.  Manfred,  seeing  that  the  Pope  declined 
the  proposed  agreement,  and  that  in  Germany,  after 
the  death  of  William  of  Holland,  there  was  a  strong 
opposition  to  Conradin's  election,  felt  that  the  time  had 
come  to  act  with  energy.  On  the  2nd  of  February 
1256  he  held  a  large  parliament  at  Barletta,  conferred 
fiefs  and  important  posts  on  the  most  faithful  of  his 
barons,  among  whom  were  his  relatives  Galvano  and 


232      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

Frederick  Lancia,  and  on  discovering  fresh  treachery 
on  the  part  of  Berthold  of  Holienburg  and  other  nobles, 
he  had  them  arraigned  and  condemned.  Thus  secured, 
and  while  the  Lancia  made  successful  expeditions  in 
Calabria  and  Sicily,  reducing  them  to  obedience,  Man- 
fred advanced  into  the  Terra  di  Lavoro,  and  fighting 
indefatigably  for  the  whole  of  1 256,  regained  the 
kingdom  with  the  exception  of  a  few  castles  here  and 
there. 

Thus  the  Papacy  found  itself  again  in  troubled 
waters,  and  its  difficulties  did  not  only  arise  south  of 
Koine,  but  extended  to  the  whole  peninsula.  Eome 
herself  was  unsettled,  nor  was  there  much  hope  of  suc- 
cour from  beyond  the  Alps.  The  Ghibellines  of  Central 
and  Northern  Italy,  admiring  the  successful  determina- 
tion of  Manfred,  began  to  regard  him  as  their  leader 
and  to  lose  no  time  in  renewing  their  relations  with 
him.  Alexander  IV.  felt  the  danger,  and  as  he  had  no 
other  weapons,  he  tried  to  break,  by  a  sentence  of  ex- 
communication, the  new  ties  which  were  forming,  and 
in  April  1257,  at  Viterbo,  he  hurled  it  against  Man- 
fred ;  but  the  bolt  fell  harmlessly.  On  all  sides  Man- 
fred's adherents  among  the  Italian  Ghibellines  were  in- 
creasing. Venice  entered  into  alliance  with  him,  and 
he  strengthened  his  position  by  overcoming  forcibly 
the  last  efforts  of  resistance,  and  then  making  oppor- 
tune concessions  to  the  conquered,  so  that  in  the  spring 
of  1258  he  re-entered  Palermo  as  the  restorer  of  the 
Suabian  monarchy.  This  young  prince  had  done 
great  things  in  a  few  short  years  of  untiring  activity. 
He  had  saved  the  kingdom  for  a  heartless  brother,  who 
had  returned  his  devotion  with  ingratitude.      On  his 


Alexander  IV.  and  Manfred.  233 

brother's  death,  lie  alone,  without  assistance  or  support, 
had  again  conquered  and  saved  the  kingdom.  Amid 
diplomatic  wiles,  amid  the  dangers  and  bitterness  of 
flight,  in  the  proud  hour  of  battle,  he  had  always  borne 
himself  as  a  king.  And  now  that  the  sceptre  was  safe 
in  his  hands,  was  he,  who,  after  all,  like  every  Hohen- 
staufen,  was  ambitious  and  unscrupulous — was  he  to  give 
it  up  to  a  child  born  and  brought  up  under  other  skies, 
unknown  to  the  people,  and  hardly  knowing  the  existence 
of  a  kingdom  which  to  Manfred  meant  glory  and  life  ? 
Nor  were  other  excuses  wanting  to  satisfy  an  ambitious 
conscience.  The  times  were  difficult,  the  Ghibelline 
party  needed  a  strong  arm  to  guide  it.  Perhaps  in  this 
way  he  would  later  be  better  able  to  help  Conradin  in 
Germany.  Frederick  I.  had  been  chosen  king  instead 
of  a  child,  Philip  of  Suabia  had  taken  the  place  of 
Frederick  II. ;  it  seemed  almost  traditional  in  the 
family  for  the  uncle  to  supplant  the  nephew.  A  false 
report  was  suddenly  spread  throughout  Sicily  that 
Conradin  was  dead,  and  without  waiting  to  verify  it, 
Manfred,  giving  way  to  the  instances  of  his  courtiers, 
was  crowned  king  at  Palermo  in  August  1258;  but 
the  throne  which  he  was  thus  usurping  was  to  be  torn 
away  from  him  by  another  act  of  usurpation. 


(     234    ) 


CHAPTER    XV. 

(1258-1266.) 

THE  POPES  BRING  CHARLES  OF  ANJOU  INTO  ITALY- 
DEATH  OF  MANFRED  AT  BENEVENTO. 

When  Manfred  assumed  his  nephew's  crown  at  Pal- 
ermo, he  broke  the  ties  which  bound  him  to  Germany 
and  became  naturally  a  national  king,  just  at  the 
moment  when  the  feudal  Germanic  idea  of  the  Empire 
was  declining  in  Italy,  and  the  Ghibellines  needed 
some  new  banner  round  which  to  rally.  Hence  the 
fame  of  Manfred  increased  rapidly  throughout  the  pen- 
insula, and  his  growing  power  soon  became  a  terror 
and  an  object  of  ever-increasing  hatred  to  the  Papacy, 
to  which  the  Guelphs  could  give  but  little  real  sup- 
port, being  mere  partisans,  whose  forces  were  falling 
to  pieces  because  no  common  national  interest  united 
them  any  more  in  one  strong  bond.  Germany  was 
in  complete  anarchy  between  two  shadows  of  kings- 
elect,  Eichard  of  Cornwall  and  Alfonso  of  Castile,  and 
could  no  longer  exert  the  least  influence  in  Italian 
affairs.  The  Guelphs  themselves  in  Lombardy  began 
to  draw  near  the  new  king  of  Sicily.  Under  these 
circumstances,  one  might  have  expected  the  Pope  to 
have  attempted  a  reconciliation  with  Manfred,  and,  by 


HIaxfred  and  Charles  of  An  you.       235 

winning  him  over,  make  him  a  Guelph  and  an  instru- 
ment for  Papal  purposes.  But  it  would  have  been  a 
difficult  experiment,  and  would  have  needed  a  greater 
and  more  daring  spirit  than  that  of  Alexander  IV. 
The  series  of  powerful  Popes  who  had  offered  so  grand 
a  resistance  to  the  Suabian  Emperors  had  closed  with 
Gregory  IX.,  and  there  followed  now  a  series  of  rather 
commonplace  men — men  of  a  certain  ability,  but  with- 
out any  breadth  of  ideas  or  depth  of  feeling.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  fear  lest  Manfred,  who  had  always  been 
hostile  to  the  Church,  should  gain  influence,  and  per- 
haps direct  sovereignty,  north  of  Pome,  was  by  no 
means  irrational ;  and  the  Curia  turned  all  its  subtle 
intelligence  to  opposing  him,  and  did  succeed  in  sepa- 
rating the  Guelphs  from  him,  so  that  Manfred,  by  the 
force  of  circumstances,  ended  by  following  the  natural 
instinct  of  his  race,  and  placed  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  Ghibellines. 

Order  again  flourished  in  the  Sicilian  realm,  and 
Manfred  combined  with  state  cares  the  joyous  life  of  a 
youthful  court,  where  talents  and  beauty,  love  of  plea- 
sure and  of  art,  lent  their  brilliancy.  On  the  death  of 
his  first  wife,  Beatrice  of  Savoy,  Manfred  married  the 
Greek  princess  Helen,  daughter  of  the  despot  of  Epirus, 
thus  allying  his  kingdom  with  the  East.  Meanwhile 
the  Emperor  Baldwin  was  asking  for  help  for  the  Latin 
Empire  in  the  East,  which  was  tottering,  and  in 
order  to  obtain  it  tried  to  make  peace  between  the 
Popes  and  Manfred.  This  effort  failed,  the  Pope 
having  put  as  his  first  condition  the  destruction  of  the 
colony  of  Lucera  and  the  departure  of  the  Saracens, 
who  were  Manfred's   chief  and  surest  support  against 


2^6      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 


■o 


all  Papal  attacks.  As  usual,  after  vain  attempts  at 
peace,  recourse  was  again  had  to  arms ;  and,  under 
colour  of  other  expeditions,  Manfred's  soldiers,  led  by 
the  Genoese  Percival  d'Oria,  entered  the  March  of 
Ancona.  The  Ghibellines  on  all  sides  invoked  Man- 
fred all  the  more,  since  Eccelin  da  Romano,  till  then 
the  strongest  support  of  their  party  in  Northern  Italy, 
had  been  vanquished  and  killed,  and  the  power  of  his 
family  for  ever  destroyed. 

But  the  destruction  of  the  house  of  Romano  had 
not  sufficed  to  change  the  party  fortunes  ;  and  while 
throughout  Lombardy  the  small  wars  of  faction  con- 
tinued, in  Tuscany  the  exiled  Ghibellines  tried  to  re- 
enter their  native  Florence.  From  Siena  they  sought 
to  collect  partisans  on  every  side,  and  appealed  to 
Manfred  for  assistance,  assuring  him  that  by  destroy- 
ing the  Guelphs  in  Florence  he  would  have  uprooted 
Guelphism  throughout  Tuscany.  At  first  Manfred, 
knowing  the  gr-eat  strength  of  the  Guelphs  in  Central 
Italy,  received  the  invitation  coldly,  only  sending  to 
Siena  a  hundred  German  knights,  who  were  quite 
insufficient  for  the  enterprise.  But  in  an  encounter 
with  the  Florentines  these  knights  were  overpowered 
by  superior  numbers,  and  the  imperial  eagle  was 
trailed  ignominiously  through  the  streets  of  Florence. 
Manfred  could  not  overlook  the  insult  offered  to  his 
banner,  and  sent  a  strong  body  of  cavalry  to  join 
the  Ghibellines.  The  Guelphs  also  on  their  side  were 
in  great  force.  At  Montaperti,  on  the  banks  of  the 
Arbia,  there  was  fought  with  great  obstinacy  on  the 
4th  of  September  1260,  one  of  the  most  memorable 
battles  of  that  age,  which  opened  the   gates  of  Flor- 


Manfred  and  Charles  of  Anjou.       237 

ence  to  the  victorious  Ghibellines.  It  was  then  that 
the  Ghibelline  leaders  in  council  proposed  to  utterly 
exterminate  Florence,  and  the  hateful  suggestion 
would  have  been  followed  if  the  magnanimous  Fari- 
nata  degli  Uberti,  who  had  been  the  leading  spirit 
among  the  exiles,  had  not,  alone  and  openly,  defended 
the  city  which  no  bitterness  of  banishment  could  make 
him  hate.  Thus  Farinata  preserved  for  its  glorious 
future  this  fair  city  of  the  Muses. 

The  victory  of  Montaperti  had  raised  Manfred  to 
a  high  position  in  Italy.  The  Ghibellines,  rallying 
closer  round  him,  prevailed  now  in  most  of  the  Tuscan 
towns,  giving  little  heed  to  the  excommunication  pro- 
nounced by  Alexander  against  Siena  and  against  every 
one  who  in  Tuscany  or  Lombardy  entered  into  alliance 
with  the  victorious  prince,  now  apparently  master  of 
the  peninsula.  It  behoved  the  Church,  if  she  meant  to 
persevere  in  her  policy,  to  take  vigorous  measures, 
and  hence,  to  those  who  held  this  view,  the  death  of 
Alexander  IV.  did  not  appear  inopportune.  To  him 
succeeded,  on  the  29th  of  August  1 261,  a  French- 
man, Urban  IV.,  a  man  of  great  energy,  who  was  de- 
termined to  fight  untiringly  for  the  Church's  interests 
in  Italy.  From  Italy  herself  Urban  IV.  could  hope 
nothing,  so  he  turned  to  his  native  France,  where  an 
ambitious  prince  and  a  chivalrous  and  often  poor 
nobility  were  likely  to  respond  to  his  call  from  a 
desire  for  adventures  and  wealth.  Delay  would  be 
fatal.  Manfred's  adherents  were  daily  increasing, 
and  in  Home  they  were  seeking  to  elect  him  senator 
in  opposition  to  Richard  of  Cornwall,  the  candidate 
of  another  party.     Also,  in  spite  of  the  Pope's  oppo- 


23S      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

sition,  Manfred's  daughter  Constance  was  about  to 
marry  Peter,  heir  to  the  crown  of  Aragon.  Urban, 
after  renewing  at  Viterbo  his  predecessor's  anathemas 
against  Manfred,  sent  an  envoy  to  the  French  court 
to  treat  secretly  the  question  of  investing  Charles  of 
Anjou  with  the  kingdom  of  Sicily.  The  Pope  re- 
peated the  proposals  already  made  in  vain  by  Innocent 
IV.,  but  at  a  more  favourable  moment,  for  the  con- 
dition of  France  had  much  improved  in  the  interval. 
Louis  IX.,  as  if  divining  the  ascendancy  France  was 
about  to  take  in  European  politics,  began  to  listen, 
though  still  with  hesitation,  to  the  invitations  of  the 
Pope,  who  did  all  he  could  to  set  at  rest  the  King's 
scruples  regarding  the  lawfulness  of  an  undertaking 
which  not  only  injured  Manfred  but  was  contrary  to 
the  prior  claims  of  Conradin  and  of  Edmund  of  Eng- 
land. While  these  negotiations  were  pending,  Man- 
fred, who  had  some  inkling  of  what  was  going  on, 
tried  to  make  friends  again  with  the  Pope  and  offered 
terms  of  peace  ;  nor  did  Urban,  doubtful  as  he  yet 
was  of  the  decision  of  France,  immediately  decline 
them,  but  let  matters  drag  on. 

The  negotiations  in  France  being  actively  pushed, 
at  last  succeeded,  and  Urban's  envoys,  having  obtained 
from  the  English  king  the  surrender  of  his  son  Ed- 
mund's rights,  succeeded  in  conquering  Louis  IX. 's 
hesitation,  and  they  began  to  discuss  the  conditions 
under  which  Charles  of  Anjou  would  receive  the  in- 
vestiture and  would  undertake  to  conquer  the  king- 
dom. Of  virile  and  tenacious  ambition,  greedy  of 
gold  and  power,  possessing  prudence  and  resolution, 
and  untroubled  by  scruples  or  feelings  of  compassion, 


Manfred  and  Charles  of  Anjou.       239 

Charles  of  Anjou  had  the  natural  gifts  necessary  for 
gaining  a  kingdom,  and,  having  gained  it,  for  keepino- 
it.  In  August  1263,  while  they  were  still  discussing 
the  conditions  of  the  investiture,  Charles,  taking  keen 
advantage  of  the  dissensions  in  Rome,  prevailed  on  the 
Romans  to  elect  him  senator  of  the  city.  He  thus 
got  a  footing  in  Italy  independently  of  the  Papal  invi- 
tation, and  while  diminishing  Manfred's  influence  in 
Rome,  he  also  guarded  against  the  possibly  overween- 
ing pretensions  of  his  benefactor  in  the  future.  Urban 
grew  uneasy,  protested,  showed  even  some  hesitation 
respecting  the  investiture,  so  that  the  negotiations 
were  delayed.  But  Manfred  meanwhile  was  more  and 
more  threatening ;  the  Guelphs,  ai'oused  by  the  Pope's 
admonitions,  needed  a  leader ;  grave  events  pended  in 
Europe  and  the  East,  and  all  these  considerations 
shook  Urban's  resistance,  while  Charles  persevered. 
At  last  Urban  gave  way  on  Charles's  promise  to  retain 
only  for  a  time  the  senatorial  dignity. 

These  difficulties  being  smoothed  over,  Charles  sent 
on  ahead  an  officer  to  act  for  him  as  senator,  promis- 
ing to  be  soon  in  Rome  himself,  and  then  collected 
the  army  which  was  to  be  led  by  him  to  conquest. 
Manfred,  seeing  the  danger  approaching,  thought  to 
anticipate  it  by  sending  large  bodies  of  troops  into 
the  Patrimony  and  the  Marche,  where  many  en- 
counters took  place  with  the  followers  of  Urban, 
who  did  not  cease  to  preach  a  crusade  against  the 
enemy.  And  indeed  Manfred  at  that  time  was  a  for- 
midable opponent,  notwithstanding  the  hopes  placed 
on  the  invader.  At  Rome  an  effort  made  by  his 
partisans  to  get  possession  of  the  city  had  failed,  but 


240     The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

in  the  rest  of  Italy  the  Ghibellines  were  holding  their 
heads  up,  and  were  able  to  oppose  the  march  of  the 
Angevin.  An  imposing  array  of  ships  guarded  the 
Maremma  coast,  and  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber  had  been 
barred  to  prevent  the  access  of  Charles's  galleys,  should 
he  choose  the  sea.  The  Pope  himself,  surrounded  on 
every  side  and  no  longer  able  to  remain  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Rome,  had  retired  to  Perugia,  where  he 
was  giving  his  attention  to  settling  the  last  difficulties 
of  his  negotiations  with  Charles,  when  he  died  on 
the  2nd  of  October  1264.  On  the  same  day  a  comet 
disappeared  from  the  skies  after  two  months,  during 
which  its  presence  had  gloomily  agitated  the  whole  of 
Italy  with  presentiments  of  war  and  misfortune. 

For  more  than  four  months  the  cardinals  in  conclave 
could  come  to  no  agreement.  The  Italians  would  have 
wished  to  change  policy  and  join  Manfred,  but  the 
French  party  were  determined  to  follow  the  path  traced 
by  Urban  IV.,  and  they  were  superior  in  numbers. 
So  a  Frenchman  was  elected,  Guy,  cardinal  of  St. 
Sabina  and  archbishop  of  Narbonne.  Before  taking 
priest's  orders  he  had  been  a  lawyer  in  office  at  the 
court  of  Louis  IX.,  was  devoted  to  the  royal  family  of 
France,  and  knew  them  thoroughly.  He  took  the 
name  of  Clement  IV.,  pushed  on  rapidly  the  treaty 
with  Charles  of  Anjou,  and  the  expedition  was  defi- 
nitely decided  on.  Again  the  crusade  against  Man- 
fred was  preached  with  great  fervour  and  promises  of 
spiritual  rewards ;  the  Papal  legates  in  France  and 
England  extracted  all  the  money  they  could  for  the  pur- 
pose, soldiers  thronged  from  all  quarters,  led  by  brave 
and  adventurous  barons,  who  gazed  with  avidity  on  the 


Manfred  and  Charles  of  Anjou.      241 

country  rich  in  spoil  to  which  fortune  called  them. 
The  army  collected  at  Lyons  before  passing  the  Alps. 
Charles  with  a  thousand  chosen  lances  preceded  them, 
and  took  ship  at  Marseilles.  As  soon  as  he  had 
sailed,  the  wind  rose  in  fury,  and  the  stormy  sea  saved 
the  fortunes  of  the  royal  adventurer.  The  Sicilian 
admiral,  who  was  guarding  the  Tuscan  coast,  had 
taken  to  the  open,  fearing  to  be  dashed  on  the  rocks, 
and  convinced  that  Charles  also  would  not  dare  to 
approach  the  shore,  with  the  almost  certain  risk  of 
shipwreck.  But  Charles  had  gone  forward  trusting 
in  his  star,  and  now,  tossed  on  the  waves  and  separated 
from  his  other  ships,  he  reached  the  Roman  coast, 
landed  almost  alone  near  Ostia,  and  was  soon  met  and 
welcomed  by  the  Guelphs  of  Rome,  who  conducted  him 
with  all  honours  to  the  monastery  of  St.  PauL  Joined 
there  by  his  followers,  he  entered  Rome  in  triumph  on 
the  23  rd  of  May  1265,  and  on  the  21st  of  June  took 
formal  possession  of  his  senatorial  dignity  in  the 
Capitol.  A  week  later,  from  the  hands  of  cardinals 
sent  expressly  by  the  Pope  from  Perugia,  he  received 
in  the  Lateran  the  investiture  of  the  kingdom  and 
swore  liege  homage  to  the  Pontiff. 

Manfred  meanwhile  was  prepared  to  defend  himself, 
and  before  Charles's  arrival  in  Rome  the  Sicilian  soldiers 
had  had  an  advantage  over  the  officer  who  was  filling 
the  senatorial  dignity  for  Charles,  and  this  advantage 
had  seemed  of  happy  augury.  But  the  indefatigable 
and  invisible  activity  of  the  Pope  and  his  emissaries 
acted  as  a  dissolvent  in  Manfred's  army  and  through- 
out the  kingdom,  and  even  where  gold  could  not  cor- 
rupt nor  spiritual  terrors  appal,  uncertainty  as  to  the 
C 11.  Q 


242      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

result  produced  a  chilling  effect.  After  entering  the 
Campagna,  Manfred  had  hoped  to  make  himself  mas- 
ter of  Rome,  and  stop  the  war  in  its  beginnings ;  but 
Charles  was  both  prudent  and  vigorous,  and  Manfred 
recognised  that  he  could  not  leave  his  kingdom  for 
long  if  he  would  keep  it  loyal  and  ready  for  war.  The 
summer  of  1265  passed  in  encounters  of  small  im- 
portance, and  towards  November  French  troops  from 
Provence  began  to  pour  over  the  Alps.  Manfred's 
principal  hope  lay  in  the  Ghibellines  of  Northern  and 
Central  Italy,  as  their  resistance  might  bar  the  way  to 
Charles's  army,  or  at  least  so  weaken  it  as  to  make  it 
harmless;  but  as  in  the  Sicilian  realm  so  in  the  north, 
the  Pope  was  exerting  himself  to  smooth  the  way  for 
the  invaders,  who  met  with  little  resistance,  and  in  the 
first  days  of  1266  joined  in  Rome  their  leader,  who 
on  the  feast  of  the  Epiphany  was  crowned  solemnly  in 
the  Vatican  by  the  Pope's  legates  as  king  of  Sicily  and 
Apulia. 

Thus  blessed  by  the  Church,  he  proceeded  against 
the  excommunicated  prince,  who  awaited  him  resolved 
to  resist,  but  doubtful  of  those  around  him.  Charles 
advanced  rapidly,  preceded  by  a  great  reputation.  The 
first  line  of  defence  was  on  the  Garigliano  ;  but  the 
traitor  Richard,  Count  of  Caserta,  Manfred's  brother-in- 
law,  retired  without  striking  a  blow,  and  left  the  road 
open  to  San  Germano,  which  was  taken,  and  in  the 
sack  of  the  unhappy  city  the  victors  had  a  foretaste  of 
the  joys  and  advantages  of  conquest.  Without  losing 
time,  Charles  arrived  by  forced  marches  at  Benevento, 
where  Manfred  was,  and  the  two  armies  found  them- 
selves face  to  face.     The  fatal  hour  of  a  decisive  battle 


Manfred  and  Charles  of  Anjou.      243 

had  sounded,  and  on  both  sides  there  was  nothing  left 
but  to  conquer  or  to  die  ;  but  in  Manfred's  ranks  trea- 
son and  presentiments  of  evil  were  abroad,  and  the 
prince  was  advised  by  some  to  fly  and  wait  for  better 
times.  "  Rather  die  here  like  a  king  to-day  than  go 
forth  as  a  fugitive  and  beggar  to  a  foreign  land,"  was 
his  answer,  and  he  kept  his  word.  It  was  the  26th  of 
March  1266.  Long  and  fiercelv  raged  the  battle  that 
day  in  the  plains  of  Benevento,  and  Manfred  was 
beaten,  but  did  not  leave  the  battlefield.  Followed 
by  a  few  faithful  friends,  the  brave  and  handsome 
knight  flung  himself  amomr  his  victorious  enemies  and 
found  a  royal  death.  In  the  plain,  which  was  strewn 
with  the  dead,  Manfred  long  lay  unrecognised,  while 
the  victors  filled  the  streets  of  Benevento  with  horrors 
and  bloodshed.  At  last  the  fair  corpse,  anxiously 
sought  for  by  Charles,  was  found,  and  sadly  was  the 
wail  repeated,  "Dead  is  Manfred!  dead  is  Manfred!" 
By  order  of  Charles  some  captive  barons  were  taken  to 
identify  him,  and  a  contemporary  chronicler  exclaims, 
"  Oh  !  oh  !  with  what  profusion  of  tears  those  trem- 
bling ones  raise  the  recovered  corpse  of  Manfred,  and 
kiss  their  lord's  hands  and  feet !  '  This  is  the  inno- 
cent one  who  has  died  for  us ;  this  is  he  who  loved 
us  unto  death.'  And  near  his  body  was  found  that 
of  Theobald  Annibaldi,  who  had  always  followed  Man- 
fred's footsteps  in  the  battle.  Manfred's  dead  body 
being  taken  thence,  it  was  placed  near  a  ruined 
church,  and  over  it,  to  do  it  honour,  the  French  heaped 
a  large  heap  of  stones."  Thus  outside  consecrated 
ground,  yet  near  a  church  and  in  honoured  sepulchre, 
lay    Frederick's    excommunicated    son,   but    not   even 


244      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

there  was  there  peace  for  his  bones,  which  later  were 
removed  by  the  priestly  hatred  of  the  Bishop  of  Cosenza 
to  an  unknown  spot  near  the  banks  of  a  river,  where 
"  still  the  rain  falls  and  the  winds  beat  upon  them." 
The  Queen  Helen  and  Manfred's  children  were  taken, 
and  languished  in  the  prisons  of  the  conqueror,  who 
was  as  pitiless  towards  them  as  Henry  VI.  had  been 
to  Queen  Sibilla  and  the  children  of  Tancred.  All 
bowed  down  in  homage  or  in  cowardice  before  Charles 
of  Aujou,  who  was  now  lord  of  the  realm. 


(     ^45     ) 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

(1266-1268.) 

THE  LAST  OF  THE  HOHENSTAUFEN. 

"  0  Kinsr  Manfred !  We  did  not  know  thee  alive, 
and  now  we  bewail  thy  death  !  We  thought  thee  a 
rapacious  wolf  among  the  sheep  of  this  kingdom,  but 
now  in  comparison  to  the  present  rule,  which  with  our 
usual  inconstance  we  so  anxiously  longed  for,  we  re- 
cognise in  thee  an  innocent  lamb.  We  already  feel 
that  thy  commands  were  gentle  because  we  are  tasting 
the  harsh  ones  of  this  other.  We  used  to  complain 
that  thou  tookest  from  us  a  part  of  our  substance,  but 
now  all  our  possessions,  and  what  is  worse,  even  our 
persons,  are  the  prey  of  these  foreigners."  1  Thus  did 
the  people  in  a  short  time  begin  to  lament  Manfred's 
fall  and  the  oppression  of  their  new  lord,  who,  born  to 
subdue  and  inspire  terror,  had  promptly  secured  his 
dominion  in  the  conquered  realm,  but  could  not  so 
soon  erase  the  memory  of  a  chivalrous  and  gracious 
prince.      The  discontented  people  were  nursing  their 

1  Saba  Malaspina,  Rerum  Sicularum  Historia,  iii.  17,  ap. 
Moratoki,  R.  I.  S.,  viii.  832.  It  is  worth  noticing  that  this  contem- 
porary chronicler,  from  whom  also  we  have  quoted  the  words  relating 
to  Manfred's  death  in  the  foregoing  chapter,  belonged  to  the  Guelpli 
party  and  had  a  post  at  the  Papal  court. 


246     The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

anger,  and  the  Suabian  party  were  aware  of  this  and 
founded  hopes  upon  it.  But  since  the  battle  of 
Benevento  the  Guelphs  had  greatly  prevailed  through- 
out Italy,  and  their  eyes  were  already  fixed  on  Charles 
of  Anjou  as  their  champion,  and  they  trusted  in  him 
to  help  them  to  subdue  the  Ghibellines,  who,  though 
overpowered,  did  not,  especially  in  Tuscany,  give  up 
the  contest.  Charles  rejoiced  at  this  disposition  in  the 
Guelphs  and  encouraged  it,  for  his  ambitious  hopes  on 
one  side  extended  beyond  the  banks  of  the  Garigliano, 
anxious  as  he  was  for  influence  and  authority  over  the 
whole  of  Italy,  and  on  the  other  indulged  in  visions  of 
such  power  in  the  East  as  the  Normans  and  Suabians 
had  already  exercised. 

This  vast  ambition  was  not  altogether  unsuspected 
by  the  Pope,  who  was  thoroughly  conversant  with 
Charles's  character  long  before  this  Sicilian  expedition, 
and  he  tried  in  the  interests  of  the  Church  to  restrain 
its  ardour.  He  had  not  called  on  Charles  to  overturn 
Manfred  in  order  to  erect  a  strong  Guelph  despotism 
in  the  place  of  the  Ghibelline,  but  to  have  a  devoted 
champion  invested  with  the  kingdom  to  which  the 
Church  laid  claim.  A  certain  sense  of  suspicion  and 
discontent,  and  a  certain  wish  to  interfere  even  in  the 
internal  policy  of  the  new  prince,  soon  showed  them- 
selves in  the  letters  from  the  Pope,  to  whom  Charles's 
excessive  severity  towards  his  new  subjects  was  dis- 
pleasing, as  well  as  his  extremely  despotic  and  rapa- 
cious proclivities.  Even  if  Clement's  warm  and  sincere 
zeal  for  the  Church's  interests  led  frequently  to  his 
passing  over  many  things,  this  very  zeal  also  made  him 
often  suspicious  of  the  intentions  of  Charles  and  care- 


The  Last  of  the  Hohenstaufen.       247 

ful  not  to  let  Himself  be  overborne  by  them.  Remind- 
ing him  of  the  former  conditions,  he  asked  Charles  to 
give  up  his  office  as  senator  of  Rome,  and  Charles 
at  last  was  obliged  unwillingly  to  do  so.  Clement 
thought  by  that  to  regain  possession  of  Rome  ;  but  the 
Romans  would  not  bow  to  the  Papal  authority ;  the 
democratic  party  in  the  city  joined  the  Ghibellines 
and  got  the  best  of  it,  and  after  various  vicissitudes  a 
new  and  unlooked-for  senator  was  elected — Henry  of 
Castile,  brother  of  Alfonso  the  Wise,  the  titular  King 
of  the  Romans.  Exiled  from  home,  after  exhibiting 
much  prowess  in  Africa  against  the  Moors,  and  having 
many  adventures,  Henry  chanced  to  come  to  Italy  in 
search  of  fortune.  At  the  court  of  Charles,  who  owed 
him  monev,  he  was  received  with  fair  words  and  with 
nothing  else.  At  Viterbo  from  the  Pope  he  tried  to 
obtain  the  investiture  of  the  kingdom  of  Sardinia,  to 
which  he  laid  claim,  but  did  not  find  him  favour- 
able ;  and  when  he  discovered  that  Charles  was  work- 
ing secretly  against  him,  he  determined  to  have  his 
revenge.  Making  friends  with  the  Romans,  he  ob- 
tained the  senatorial  dignity,  and  lost  no  time  in  exercis- 
ing it  vigorously  against  the  clerical  party,  to  the  great 
joy  of  the  Ghibellines,  whose  hopes  rose  on  meeting 
with  his  support. 

In  Tuscany  especially  these  hopes  were  more  lively, 
and  caused  anxiety  to  the  Guelphs,  who  naturally 
turned  to  Charles  of  Anjou  ;  and  even  the  Pope  him- 
self, after  the  unfortunate  result  of  depriving  him  of 
the  senatorial  dignity,  again  had  recourse  to  him,  in 
spite  of  some  lingering  mistrust.  The  remnants  of 
the  army  defeated  at  Benevento  had  taken  refuge  in 


248      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

the  Gliibelline  cities  of  Tuscany,  adding  to  their 
strength,  and  they  soon  became  a  dangerous  centre, 
whither  some  of  Manfred's  most  faithful  barons,  the 
brothers  Capece  and  the  Lancia,  after  escaping  from 
Charles's  prisons,  also  betook  themselves.  Manfred 
was  dead  and  his  children  in  hopeless  imprisonment, 
but  Conradin,  Frederick  II. 's  young  grandson,  and 
the  legitimate  heir  of  the  Sicilian  kingdom,  was  living 
in  Germany,  and  the  imperial  eagle's  nest  had  reared 
another  eaglet  which  was  pluming  itself  for  flight. 
He  was  now  about  fifteen,  handsome,  amiable,  well 
trained  in  arms,  acquainted  with  letters  and  poetry,  and 
inspired  by  the  burning  love  of  glory  inherent  in  all 
his  race.  The  Sicilian  malcontents  and  exiles  fixed 
their  eyes  on  him,  and  in  their  own  name,  as  also  in 
that  of  the  whole  Gliibelline  party,  went  to  him  and 
invited  him  to  Italy  to  recover  the  kingdom.  Pisa 
secretly  favoured  the  enterprise ;  from  all  parts  the 
Ghibellines  made  him  offers  of  troops  and  money ;  the 
Saracens  of  Lucera,  the  southern  provinces,  and  Sicily 
were  exasperated  by  the  Angevin  oppression,  and  only 
waited  for  his  coming  to  rise.  It  seemed  as  if  his 
grandfather,  Frederick  II.,  had  had  greater  obstacles 
to  contend  with  when  he  had  left  Sicily  to  reconquer 
the  German  crown,  and  now  before  him  the  path  lay 
inverted.  Conradin  consented  to  follow  it,  and  once 
more  a  Suabian  looked  down  from  the  Alps  with 
his  gaze  fixed  on  the  farthest  shores  of  the  Italian 
sea. 

Italy  was  deeply  moved  by  the  news  of  these  prepara- 
tions, party  passions  flared  up  afresh,  and  the  Pope  felt 
with  grief  that  a  struggle  which  he  had  thought  at  an 


The  Last  of  the  Hohenstaufen.       249 

end  was  again  beginning.  He  did  all  he  could  to 
calm  the  rising  tempest,  but  without  success.  The 
position  of  the  Guelphs  in  Tuscany  grew  more  and 
more  serious,  and  Pisa  and  Siena  were  already  in 
arms  against  them,  with  many  of  Manfred's  German 
soldiers  in  their  pay.  The  Pope,  alarmed  at  seeing  the 
Guelphs  unable  to  oppose  the  advancing  wave,  asked 
Charles  to  provide  for  the  emergency,  thus  exactly 
though  unwillingly  meeting  the  wishes  of  the  ambi- 
tious monarch,  for  whom  a  successful  move  in  Tuscany 
might  have  all  the  same  significance  that  the  battle  of 
Montaperti  had  once  had  for  Manfred.  Charles  imme- 
diately sent  eight  hundred  knights  under  Guy  of 
Monfort,  who  entered  Florence  on  Easter  day  1267. 
Soon  afterwards,  as  things  continued  to  grow  worse, 
Clement  allowed  Charles  to  go  in  person  to  Tuscany 
with  the  title  of  Peacemaker,  in  order  to  reduce  that 
province  to  order  while  the  imperial  throne  was 
vacant,  but  he  was  not  under  any  circumstances  to  re- 
tain that  post  for  more  than  three  years.  Charles  soon 
went  to  Florence,  which  elected  him  podesta  for  ten 
years,  and  at  the  head  of  the  Guelphs  whom  he  col- 
lected round  him  he  began  a  pitiless  war  against 
the  Ghibellines,  without  paying  any  attention  to  the 
Pope's  remonstrances  and  entreaties  that  he  should 
moderate  his  instinctive  cruelty.  The  exasperated 
Ghibellines  redoubled  their  opposition  and  their  hatred, 
and  urged  Conradin  to  hasten  his  approach. 

The  young  prince  responded  readily.  In  vain  the 
Pope  threatened  him  with  excommunication  and  vio- 
lently denounced  the  young  serpent,  issue  of  the  cobra, 
who  with  his  breath  was  poisoniug  Tuscany ;   Conradin 


250      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

received  assistance,  collected  followers,  and  announced 
his  coming  to  the  Italians.  While  he  was  preparing 
for  the  expedition  his  partisans  were  not  idle.  Conrad 
Capece,  appointed  vicar  royal  in  Sicily,  went  with  Pisan 
ships  to  Tunis,  where  he  found  Frederick  of  Castile, 
brother  of  the  senator  of  Rome,  and  persuaded  him  to 
join  in  an  attempt  on  Sicily.  They  landed  there  with 
only  a  few  hundred  soldiers  and  found  people  inclined 
to  the  revolt,  which  rapidly  spread  through  the  greater 
part  of  the  island,  and  even  reached  the  mainland. 
At  the  same  time  Conradin  left  Germany  followed  by 
a  tolerably  numerous  army  and  by  several  barons, 
among  whom  was  Rudolf  of  Hapsburg,  on  whose  head 
the  imperial  crown  was  later  destined  to  rest,  and  the 
young  Duke  of  Austria,  Frederick  of  Baden,  Conradin's 
cousin  and  friend  from  childhood,  and,  like  himself, 
disinherited,  who  came  with  him  to  share  his  fortunes 
faithfully  till  death. 

Conradin  reached  Verona  with  his  followers  on  the 
20th  of  October  1267,  anc^  was  received  joyfully  by  the 
Ghibellines.  A  few  days  before  Galvano  Lancia,  pre- 
ceding him,  had  arrived  in  Rome,  where  the  senator, 
Hemy  of  Castile,  received  him  with  great  honour, 
and  having  had  the  alliance  of  Conradin  with  the 
Romans  proclaimed  in  the  Capitol,  did  all  he  could 
to  forward  the  cause  of  his  ally.  The  nobility  who 
were  opposed  to  him  were  either  imprisoned  or 
obliged  to  fly,  and  for  the  assistance  of  Conradin,  who 
was  without  money,  not  only  was  their  confiscated 
property  used,  but  Henry  audaciously  laid  hands  on 
the  deposits  intrusted  to  the  churches  and  on  Church 
treasures.     The  Roman  priests  complained  of  the  sacri- 


The  Last  of  the  Hohenstaufen.       251 

lege,  and  the  Pope  bewailed  it  from  Viterbo,  but  did 
not  venture  to  put  Rome  under  an  interdict,  as  he 
still  hoped  to  detach  Henry  from  an  alliance  likely 
to  prove  fatal  to  the  Church.  Instead  of  that,  the 
anathema  fell  on  Conradin's  young  head.  He  was 
still  at  Verona,  and  in  the  January  of  1 268  moved 
on  to  Pavia,  the  reason  of  his  slow  progress  being 
the  scarcity  of  means,  so  that  if  Charles  of  Anjou 
had  been  able  to  meet  him  in  Lombardy  without  loss 
of  time,  the  war  might  perhaps  have  been  finished 
at  a  single  blow.  But  Charles  also  had  obstacles  to 
contend  with.  The  Pope  hindered  him,  the  Tuscan 
Ghibellines  grew  more  and  more  threatening,  and  in 
his  kingdom  the  rebellion  was  taking  alarming  pro- 
portions, especially  after  the  Saracens  of  Lucera  had 
raised  on  their  walls  the  imperial  standard  of  the 
Hohenstaufen  and  were  prepared  to  defend  it  in  arms. 
Charles,  after  some  fighting  in  Tuscany,  recognised  the 
necessity  of  returning  to  his  kingdom  and  putting 
down  the  revolts  there,  while  he  waited  for  his  rival 
to  reach  him,  unless  first  stopped  by  the  Guelphs  in 
Lombardy  or  Tuscany.  He  did  this,  but  left  a  stout 
body  of  troops  behind  in  Tuscany  under  the  orders  of 
his  marshal,  and  on  his  journey  south  had  an  interview 
with  the  Pope,  who  solemnly  repeated  the  sentence 
of  excommunication  against  Conradin.  This  time  also 
the  senator,  Henry  of  Castile,  and  the  magistrates  of 
the  Capitol  were  included  in  it,  only  to  Henry  was 
granted  a  month  in  which  to  make  amends.  If  after 
that  term  he  had  done  nothing,  then  Charles  was  em- 
powered to  resume  the  senatorial  dignity  for  ten  years, 
"  so  that  he  may  govern  the  city  peacefully,  and  that 


252      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

we  and  our  brethren,  who  could  not  yet  visit  it,  may 
have  free  access  to  it." 

While  Charles  was  preparing  to  defend  his  king- 
dom, and,  with  the  object  of  suppressing  the  revolt, 
was  laying  siege  to  Lucera,  Coni'adin  had  advanced 
from  Pavia,  meeting  with  few  hindrances,  and  on  reach- 
ing Pisa,  was  received  with  solemn  forms  of  homage, 
was  offered  support  in  men,  ships,  and  money,  and 
grew  stronger  every  day.  Wishing  to  go  on  to  Rome 
in  order  to  join  Henry  of  Castile,  he  resolved  to  go 
by  land,  and  leaving  Pisa  on  the  I  5th  of  June  1268, 
he  marched  towards  Siena,  while  a  Pisan  fleet,  com- 
manded by  Frederick  Lancia,  sailed  for  the  Calabrian 
coast.  Conradin  met  with  no  difficulty  as  far  as 
Siena,  but  Charles's  marshal,  with  his  eight  hundred 
French  lances,  hoped  by  a  rapid  march  to  turn  the 
flank  of  Conradin's  army  in  some  difficult  spot  and 
stop  his  way.  Things  fell  out  differently,  however, 
and  he  himself,  surprised  at  Ponte  a  Valle  on  the 
Arno,  was  utterly  routed  and  taken  prisoner.  After 
this  first  important  feat  of  arms,  the  road  to  Rome 
remained  open  to  Conradin,  who  marched  past  Viterbo 
with  his  soldiers  under  the  eyes  of  the  Pope,  whose 
courage,  nevertheless,  did  not  give  way.  "  We  know 
it  of  certain  knowledge,  and  you  must  hold  it  as  an 
article  of  faith,"  prophesied  the  Pontiff  in  those 
days,  "  that  this  ill-starred  youth  is  doomed  to  de- 
struction ;  he  is  dragged  by  wicked  men  as  a  lamb  to 
the  slaughter."  Conradin,  following  his  fate,  reached 
Monte  Mario,  and  Rome  revealed  herself  to  his  youth- 
ful eyes  in  a  halo  of  memories  and  hopes. 

The    descendant  of  Frederick  Barbarossa   came  to 


The  Last  of  the  Hohenstavfen.       253 

Koine  as  a  friend  to  the  Ghibelline  republic,  and  his 
entry   was   a  triumph    which   lasted   for   several    days 
amidst  feasts   and  rejoicings.       Meanwhile  the   Pisan 
fleet  had  defeated  in  the  waters  of  Messina  Charles's 
admiral,  Kobert  of  Lavena,  and  in   Sicily  the  revolt 
grew  in  vigour,  and   everything  promised  victory  to 
Conradin,   who,  on  the    iSth   of  August    1268,    left 
Eome    at    the    head    of   his    army,    which    had    been 
joined  by  Henry  of  Castile  and  many  of  the  Eoman 
nobility.     But   Charles   of  Anjou,   with  his  long   ex- 
perience of  war,  was  ready  then  for  the  defence,  and 
knew  the  spot  where   he  could  best  dispute  the  path 
to    the    throne.      Up  to    the    last   moment    he    kept 
near  the    besieged    town  of   Lucera,  to    prevent  the 
Saracens  being  able  to  leave  it  in  order  to  rouse  the 
country  against  him  and  take  him  in  the  rear ;  then, 
when  he  knew    of  Conradin's   approach,  he  marched 
rapidly  to  meet  him  on  the  confines  of  the  kingdom. 
Not   far  from    the   lake   of  Celano,    in   the  valley  of 
the    Salto,    the    two    armies    met,    near    Tagliacozzo, 
which  has  given  the  name  to   the  battle,  but  nearer 
still  to  the  town  of  Scurcola.      There,  on  the   23rd  of 
August,  the  fray  began,  which  lasted  the  whole  day 
with  great  bloodshed,  and  was  fought  with  obstinacy 
and   valour    on  both   sides.      Victory   remained    long 
uncertain,  and  as  the  day  declined  it  seemed  to  smile 
on   Conradin.       Two   bands    of  French    soldiery,   one 
after  the  other,  were  routed  and  put  to  flight,  followed 
furiously   by  the  Ghibellines  and  Germans,  who   be- 
came   scattered  in   their  thirst  for   blood   and   booty. 
But  among  the  dark  gullies  of  the  Marsican  moun- 
tains Charles  of  Anjou  lay  hidden  with  a  third  band, 


254      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

and  suddenly  appearing  on  the  field,  changed  the 
destinies  of  the  day.  The  victors  of  an  hour  before 
were  in  their  turn  hopelessly  routed,  and  the  slaughter 
which  followed  was  the  greatest  then  on  record.  The 
bloody  battle  of  Benevento  seemed  in  comparison  to 
this  a  small  matter  to  Charles,  who  on  the  same  day 
wrote  to  the  Pope  amidst  the  corpses  that  were 
heaped  around  him  on  the  field  of  his  victory. 

On  that  field  lay  the  flower  of  all  the  knights  who 
had  followed  Conradin  from  Germany  and  Lombardy, 
from  Tuscany  and  Rome.  Those  who  survived  and 
were  not  taken  prisoners  fled  in  confusion  and  with 
little  hope  of  safety,  carried  hither  and  thither  as  their 
fate  or  their  despair  guided  them.  Conradin,  with 
Frederick  of  Austria,  Galvano  Lancia  and  his  son,  and 
a  few  other  faithful  adherents,  retraced  his  steps  and 
reached  Rome,  but  the  report  of  their  disaster  had 
preceded  them.  The  names  of  the  Roman  Ghibellines 
who  had  nobly  died  at  Tagliacozzo  were  already  known, 
and  Pietx-o  di  Vico,  the  prefect  of  Rome,  had  returned 
to  the  city  mortally  wounded.  At  the  same  time  the 
Guelphs  were  venturing  back  ;  some  of  them  had  fought 
with  Charles,  and  were  able  to  relate  the  details  of  the 
great  victory.  To  remain  in  Rome  was  evidently  im- 
possible, and  Conradin  with  his  faithful  companion 
Frederick  threw  himself  into  the  Campagna  on  chance, 
seeking  refuge.  They  wandered  for  some  time,  then 
reached  the  seashore  at  Astura  near  the  Pontine 
marshes,  in  sight  of  Cape  Circello.  There  were  boats 
on  the  shore,  and  could  they  get  into  the  open  and 
touch  Sicily  or  reach  Pisa,  they  would  certainly  be 
saved,  and  perhaps  there  was  still  hope  of  overcoming 


The  Last  of  the  Hohenstaufen.       255 

misfortune  and  changing  again  the  decree  of  destiny. 
They  embarked,  but  soon  other  ships  followed  and 
stopped  them.  These  ships  belonged  to  the  lord  of 
Astura,  John  Frangipane,  whose  family  had  long 
favoured  the  house  of  Suabia,  and  had  been  favoured 
by  it.  It  was  useless  to  resist,  and  the  name  gave 
confidence  to  Conradin,  who  surrendered,  and  was  taken 
first  to  Astura,  then  to  another  castle  farther  inland. 
Neither  prayers  nor  promises  could  induce  Frangi- 
pane to  set  Conradin  at  liberty,  and  he  only  hesi- 
tated between  handing  him  over  to  Charles  or  to 
the  Pope,  to  whom  for  some  years  the  Frangipane 
had  again  drawn  near.  An  unlucky  fate  brought  just 
at  that  moment  and  to  that  part  of  the  coast  the 
admiral  Robert  of  Lavena,  anxious  to  wipe  out  from 
Charles's  memory  his  defeat  at  Messina.  By  threats 
and  promises  he  obtained  from  Frangipane  the  custody 
of  the  royal  prisoner  and  of  his  companion  Frederick, 
and  the  two  youths  were  handed  over  to  the  vengeance 
of  the  ruthless  Angevin. 

Nor  was  vengeance  slow  in  coming,  and  it  was  in- 
exorable and  cruel.  In  torrents  flowed  the  blood  of 
the  barons  taken  at  Tagliacozzo,  or  seized  upon  here 
and  there  in  their  miserable  wanderings ;  and  one  of 
the  first  who  suffered  was  Manfred's  uncle,  Galvano 
Lancia,  whose  death  was  rendered  more  bitter  by  the 
sight  of  his  son  murdered  first  before  his  eyes.  Charles 
betook  himself  to  Rome  to  resume  the  senatorial  dignity, 
then  soon  returned  to  Naples,  dragging  after  him  those 
prisoners  who  had  not  yet  suffered  death,  and  were 
awaiting  their  fate  in  the  prisons  of  Palestrina.  Among 
them  were  Conradin  and  Frederick  of  Austria,  and  the 


256      The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufen. 

senator  Henry  of  Castile.  The  life  of  this  latter  was 
spared,  but  he  languished  in  prison  for  more  than 
twenty  years,  while  Conradin  and  Frederick  were  doomed 
to  death.  The  Pope  had  no  part  in  it,  but  was  silent, 
as  if  unwilling  to  plead  for  mercy.  The  sentence  was 
heard  by  the  two  youths  with  calmness,  and  on  the  29th 
of  October  1268  they  mounted  together  the  fatal  scaf- 
fold, around  which  the  people  pressed,  half  in  pity, 
half  in  terror.  The  tyrant  who  had  condemned  them 
was  himself  present,  and  witnessed  the  intrepidity  with 
which  the  last  of  the  Hohenstaufen  bent  his  neck  to 
the  executioner,  worthy  of  the  brave  race  which  died 
with  him.  The  imagination  of  the  pitying  people  sur- 
rounded with  legends  this  fair  ill-fated  heir  of  a  mys- 
teriously tragic  destiny,  and  later  their  fury  avenged 
his  death  at  the  Sicilian  Vespers.  The  house  of  Suabia 
was  extinct,  and  the  Church  seemed  to  breathe  more 
freely  after  a  century  of  gigantic  struggles.  But  new 
struggles  were  preparing,  and  the  French  influence 
invoked  by  the  Popes  was  destined  not  only  to  turn 
against  the  Papacy,  but,  worse  still,  to  humiliate  it. 
At  Palermo  the  vesper-bell  was  to  sound  the  hour  of 
vengeance  for  the  blood  of  Manfred  and  Conradin ; 
while  at  Anagni  the  men  of  Philip  le  Bel,  led  by 
Nogaret  and  Sciarra,  in  forcing  themselves  into  the 
apartments  of  Boniface  VIII.,  were  destined  to  dra» 
through  the  mud  the  Church  which  had  invoked 
French  intervention  in  Italy. 

"  Veggio  in  Alagna  entrar  lo  fiordaliso 
E  nel  vicario  suo  Cristo  esser  catto  ! " 


INDEX. 


A.DELE  of  Wohburo  (Queen),  41. 

Adolphus  (archbishop  of  Cologne),  132, 141. 

Alessandria,  siege  of,  86. 

Alexander  III.  (Pope),  favours,  when  car- 
dinal, the  Sicilian  alliance,  43 ;  sent  as 
legate  to  Frederick  I.,  44 ;  elected  Pope, 
55 ;  mistrusts  Frederick,  56 ;  declines  to 
attend  the  Emperor's  council,  58 ;  ex- 
communicates Frederick  and  Qctavian, 
60,  63  ;  is  obliged  to  leave  Italy  and  goes 
to  France,  62;  influences  Louis  VII., 
64,  65  ;  is  recognised  by  all  but  the  Em- 
peror, 66;  goes  to  Paris,  68  ;  calls  a 
council  at  Tours,  69 ;  tries  to  isolate  the 
Emperor,  69;  his  quarrel  with  Henry  II. 
of  England,  70;  returns  to  Rome,  71; 
blesses  the  Lombard  League,  74 ;  escapes 
from  Rome  after  the  entry  of  the  Em- 
peror, 76 ;  his  prudent  policy,  8t ;  re- 
ceives an  embassy  from  Frederick,  84 ; 
another  embassy,  89 ;  the  Convention  of 
Auagni,  91 ;  goes  to  meet  the  Lombard 
delegates,  92;  the  Peace  of  Venice,  93- 
95 ;  returns  to  Rome,  96  ;  after  the  close 
of  the  Schism  calls  a  general  council  in 
the  Lateran,  97 ;  death  and  character, 

97.  98. 

Alexander  IV.  (Pope),  elected,  230 ;  nego- 
tiations with  England,  231  ;  excommu- 
nicates Manfred,  232 ;  declines  to  make 
peace  with  Manfred,  235 ;  dies,  237. 

Alfonso  of  Castile,  234,  247. 

Anagni,  Peace  of,  90. 

Anastasius  IV.  (Pope),  27,  28. 

Ancona,  siege  of,  73  ;  second  siege,  85. 

Annibaldi,  Theobald,  243. 

Arnold  of  Brescia,  his  life  and  character, 
16-18  ;  excommunicated  by  Eugenius 
III.,  20;  protected  by  the  Romans,  21 ; 
encourages  them  to  write  to  Conrad, 
22;  accused  by  Eugenius,  27;  preaches 
against  Hadrian  IV.,  30;  is  driven  out 
of  Rome,  31 ;  is  handed  over  to  Hadrian 
by  Frederick,  34  ;  is  put  to  death,  34. 

Baldwin  (Eastern  Emperor),  207,  235. 
Beatrice  of  Burgundy  (Empress),  41,  42, 91. 
Beatrice  of  Suabia,  142,  144,  151. 
lienevento,  battle  of,  243. 

C.  H. 


Bernard  of  Clairvaux  supports  Innocent 
II.,  s,  9;  attends  his  council  at  Pisa,  7; 
opposes  Arnold  of  Brescia,  17  ;  preaches 
the  crusade,  18  ;  persuades  Conrad  III. 
to  take  the  cross,  19 ;  reproaches  Euge- 
nius HI.,  21. 

Berthold  of  Hohenburg,  226,  227,  228,  229, 
230,  231,  232. 

Biaudrate,  Count  of,  50,  78,  86. 

Capocci,  Peter  (cardinal),  215,  217,219,222. 

Celestine  II.  (Pope),  13. 

Celestine  HI.  (Pope),  crowns  Henry  VI. 
and  Constance,  112;  obtains  the  libera- 
tion of  Constance,  115 ;  vainly  intercedes 
for  Richard  of  England,  115;  his  vacil- 
lating policy,  118,  119;  dies,  i2i. 

Celestine  IV.  (Pope),  203. 

Cencius  (Cardinal).    See  Honorius  III. 

Charles  of  Anjou  receives  overtures  from 
Innocent  IV.,  225 ;  these  are  repeated 
by  Urban  IV.,  238  ;  is  elected  senator 
of  Rome,  239 ;  definitely  concludes  the 
treaty  with  Clement  IV.,  240;  iscrowned 
king  of  Sicily  in  Rome,  242 ;  gains  the 
battle  of  Beuevento,  243  ;  oppresses  the 
kingdom,  245;  suspicious  spring  up  be- 
tween him  and  the  Pope,  246;  goes  to 
Florence,  249;  meets  the  Pope,  25c  ;  de- 
feats Conradiu,  254;  sentences  him  to 
death,  256. 

Christian  of  Buch,  74,  85,  86,  89,  90,  99,  100. 

Clement  III.  (Pope),  106,  rio-112. 

Clement  IV.  (Pope),  elected,  240;  confers 
the  investiture  of  the  kingdom  of  Sicily 
on  Charles  of  Anjou,  241  ;  suspects 
Charles,  246;  excommunicates  Couradin, 
251 ;  his  prophecy  regarding  him,  252 ; 
does  not  plead  for  his  life,  256. 

Colonna,  John  (cardinal).  200,  202. 

Conrad  III.  (King  of  the  Romans),  oppo  tea 
Lothair,3;  isexcommunicated,3;  elected 
and  crowned  king  of  the  Romans,  9; 
unable  to  help  Lucius  II.,  13 ;  invited 
by  the  Romans,  14;  his  assistance  in- 
voked by  Eugenius  HI.,  15;  hesitates  to 
leave  Germany,  15  ;  takes  the  cross  from 
St.  Bernard,  19;  returns  from  the  cru- 
sade, 21 ;  enters  into  negotiations  with 

R 


258 


Index. 


Engenius  for  tlie  imperial  crown,  22; 
announces  las  departure  for  Rome,  23  ; 
dies  at  Bamberg,  24. 

Conrad  IV.  (Kms  of  tlie  Romans),  bis 
birth,  180;  is  presented  by  his  father  to 
Gregory  IX.,  193;  refuses  to  betray  his 
father,  212;  is  opposed  by  Henry  of 
Raspe,  212;  but  defeats  him,  213;  his 
marriage,  213;  is  opposed  by  William  of 
Holland,  218;  inherits  the  thrones  of 
Germany  and  Italy,  221 ;  holds  his  own 
against  William  of  Holland,  222  ;  the 
enmity  of  the  Pope,  222 ;  goes  to  Italy, 
223 ;  meets  his  brother  Manfred,  223 ; 
treats  him  ungratefully,  224:  his  quar- 
rels with  the  Pope,  224;  takes  Naples 
and  returns  to  Germany,  225 ;  is  excom- 
municated and  dies,  226. 

Conrad  of  Hohenstaufen,  41. 

Conrad  of  Wittelsbach,  68,  74,  76,  90,  96, 

13.5- 

Oonradin,  his  birth,  224 ;  is  left  in  Ger- 
many, 226;  bis  uncle  Manfred  is  his 
guardian,  230;  is  reported  to  be  dead, 
233;  is  called  on  by  tlie  Sicilians  to  re- 
cover his  kingdom,  248 ;  is  excommuni- 
cated, 251 ;  enters  Rome,  252  ;  is  de- 
feated by  Charles  of  Anjou,  254  ;  is  taken 
prisoner,  255;  sentenced  to  death  and 
(lies,  256. 

Constance  (Empress),  heiress  of  Sicily,  103  ; 
marries  Henry  VI.,  104;  is  crowned 
queen,  104 ;  empress,  112  ;  taken  prisoner, 
114;  liberated,  115;  gives  birth  to 
Frederick  II.,  117;  is  not  trusted  by 
Henry,  119;  after  his  death  governs 
Sicily.  124 ;  pays  liege  homage  to  Inno- 
cent III.,  125  ;  dies,  appointing  the  Pope 
guardian  to  her  son,  125. 

Constance  of  Aragou  (Empress),  150,  161, 
163,  165. 

Constance,  Peace  of,  100  ;  opens  her  gates 
to  Frederick  II.,  151. 

Cortenuova,  battle  of,  196. 

Crenia,  destruction  of,  59  ;  rebuilt,  103. 

Diepold,  Count  of  Acerra,  127,  129. 

Ebeiutard  (bishop  of  Bamberg),  26,  si> 
63,  84. 

Eccelin  da  Romano,  197,  204,  214,  219,  223, 
236. 

Edmund  of  England,  225,  226,  231,  238. 

Elizabeth  of  Bavaria,  213,  223,  226,  230. 

Enzio  (King  of  Sardinia),  198,  200,  204,  214, 
219,  223,  236. 

Engenius  III.  (Pope),  elected,  13 ;  invokes 
Conrad's  assistance,  15 ;  absolves  Arnold 
of  Brescia,  17  ;  confides  to  St.  Bernard 
the  preaching  of  the  crusade,  18 ;  goes 
to  France  and  Germany,  19 ;  returns  to 
Rome,  21 ;  meets  Roger  of  Sicily,  21 ; 
enters  into  negotiations  with  Conrad, 
22;  congratulates  Frederick  I.,  26;  dies, 
27. 

Farinata  degli  TJberti,  237. 

Folmar  (archbishop  of  Trier),  103,  104. 

Frederick  I.  (Emperor,  surnamed  Barba- 
rossa).  accompanies  to  the  East  his  uncle 
Conrad,  19 ;  whom  he  succeeds,  24 ;  his 


character,  24,  25  ;  arranges  tlie  affairs  of 
Germany,  26,  27;  goes  to  Italy,  28;  his 
negotiations  with  Hadrian  IV.,  32;  de- 
siroys  Tortona,  33;  hands  Arnold  of 
I  trescia  over  to  Hadrian,  34 ;  his  meeting 
with  the  Pope,  35 ;  refuses  the  offers  of 
the  Romans,  36;  is  crowned  emperor, 
37  ;  fights  with  and  defeats  the  Romans, 
38;  returns  to  Germany,  39;  divorces 
his  first  wife  and  marries  again,  41 ;  his 
aid  invoked  by  the  enemies  of  Milan, 
42;  his  disputes  with  Hadrian,  44,  45; 
returns  to  Italy,  47;  subdues  Milan,  48; 
holds  an  important  diet  at  Roncaglia, 
48;  further  dissensions  with  Hadrian, 
50-53 ;  supports  Octavian  as  Anti-pope, 
56-66 ;  destroys  Crema,  59 ;  opens  a 
council  at  Pavia.  59  ;  is  excommunicated 
by  Alexander  lit.,  60;  destroys  Milan, 
61;  is  all-powerful  in  Lombardy,  62; 
seeks  a  meeting  with  Louis  VIT.,  64-66 ; 
bis  difficulties  in  Germany  and  Italy,  67, 
68;  seeks  an  alliance  with  Henry  II.  of 
England,  71 ;  has  Charlemagne  canon- 
ised by  the  Anti-pope  72;  returns  to 
Italy,  73;  has  the  Empress  crowned  in 
St.  Peter's  by  the  Anti-pope,  75;  is  mas- 
ter of  Rome,  77  ;  his  strength  of  mind 
under  disasters,  78;  returns  alone  to 
Germany,  79 ;  obtains  the  election  of 
his  son  Henry,  83  ;  sends  an  embassy  to 
Alexander  III.,  83 ;  returns  to  Italy,  85 ; 
is  defeated  at  Legnano,  88;  changes  his 
policy  and  offers  terms  of  peace,  88-90; 
concludes  the  Peace  of  Venice,  03-95; 
returns  to  Germany,  96;  exiles  Henry 
the  Lion,  100 ;  concludes  the  Peace  of 
Constance,  100;  holds  a  great  festival  at 
Mentz,  102;  returns  to  Italy,  102;  de- 
mauds  the  imperial  crown  for  Henry, 
103 ;  obtains  for  him  the  hand  of  Con- 
stance of  Sicily,  104;  quarrels  with  Ur- 
ban III.,  104 ;  decides  to  lead  the  crusade, 
107,  108;  dies  in  the  East,  no. 
Frederick  II.  (Emperor),  bom,  117 ;  elected 
King  of  the  Romans,  119 ;  left  in  the 
guardianship  of  his  mother,  120;  is  left 
on  her  death  in  the  guardianship  of 
Innocent  III.,  125;  his  education  and 
childhood,  126,  129;  begins  foreign,  129; 
is  assisted  by  Innocent,  130;  but  his 
claim  to  the  Empire  is  not  recognised, 
131 ;  chosen  for  their  leader  by  the 
Ghibellines,  148;  his  character,  148-150; 
has  his  son  Henry  crowned  and  leaves 
Sicily,  150 ;  enters  Constance,  151 ; 
makes  concessions  to  the  Pope,  152,  153 ; 
is  crowned  king  and  takes  the  cross, 
154  ;  gradual  ^change  of  policy  towards 
the  Papacy,  157-159;  repeatedly  delays 
the  crusade,  160;  gets  his  son  Henry 
elected  King  of  the  Romans,  161 ;  re- 
turns to  Italy,  161 ;  is  crowned  Emperor 
in  Rome,  163;  again  swears  to  proceed 
on  the  crusade,  163 ;  his  energetic  action 
in  Sicily,  164 ;  further  negotiations  re- 
garding tlie  crusade,  165,  166 ;  marries 
Yolande  of  Brienne,  168;  accepts  the 
arbitration  of  Honorius,  171;  is  again 
reminded  of  tlie  crusade  by  Gregory  IX., 
173 ;  is  obliged  to  yield,  174 ;  embarks 


Index. 


259 


but  turns  back,  175:  is  excommunicated, 
175;  complains  of  the  Pope,  177;  his 
scepticism,  178;  flatters  the  Roman 
nobles,  178;  insists  on  the  churches  being 
opened,  179;  definitely  starts  tor  Pales- 
tine, 180;  is  followed  by  Gregory's  ex- 
communication and  abandoned  by 
many,  181 ;  makes  peace  with  the  Sul- 
tan of  Egypt,  182;  takes  the  crown  in 
Jerusalem,  183;  returns  to  Italy,  184;  is 
successful  against  the  Pope,  186;  finally 
makes  peace  with  him,  187 ;  re-orde rs 
the  laws  of  the  Sicilian  kingdom,  188; 
punishes  political  offenders  as  heretics, 
191 ;  the  Pope  arbitrates  between  him 
and  the  Lombards,  191 ;  presents  his  son 
Conrad  to  Gregory,  193 ;  helps  the  Pope 
against  the  Romans,  193;  punishes  his 
son  Henry  for  rebellion,  194 ;  marries 
Isabella  of  England,  195;  returns  to 
Italy,  195 ;  his  great  victory  over  the 
Lombards  at  Cortenuova,  196 ;  refuses 
to  make  conditions  with  them,  197  ;  puts 
forward  pretensions  to  Sardinia,  198; 
is  again  excommunicated  by  Gregory, 
198;  their  disputes,  199;  marches 
against  Rome  but  has  to  retire,  200 ; 
opposes  the  meeting  of  the  council  and 
seizes  a  number  of  prelates,  201 ;  on 
Gregory's  death  allows  them  to  meet  to 
elect  another  Pope,  203 ;  negotiations 
with  Innocent  IV.,  205 ;  unsuccessful 
encounter  with  the  Romans,  206;  again 
attempts  to  make  peace  with  the  Pope, 
206;  tries  to  prevent  the  Pope  from 
leaving  Italy,  208 ;  is  deposed  by  a 
council  at  Lyons,  209 ;  defends  himself, 
210;  meets  with  disaster  and  treason, 
217 ;  breaks  down  and  dies,  220 ;  his 
will,  221. 

Frederick  of  Antioch,  221. 

Frederick  (Duke  of  Austria),  221,  224. 

Frederick  of  Baden  (Duke  of  Austria),  250, 
254,  255,  256. 

Frederick  of  Castile,  250. 

Frederick  of  Rotenburg,  son  of  Conrad 
III.,  24,  75.  78.  83. 

Frederick  of  Sualiia,  brother  of  Conrad 
III.,  and  rival  of  Lothair,  2;  retires  in 
favour  of  his  brother,  3. 

Frederick  of  Suabia  (sou  of  Frederick  I.), 
108,  nr. 

Fulk  of  Neuilly,  140. 

Gregory  VIII.  (Pope),  106. 

Gregory  IX.  (Pope),  sent  when  cardinal  to 
the  Em  press  Constance,  125;  sent  by 
Innocent  III.  into  Germany,  142 ;  tries 
to  restore  peace  among  the  Italian  cities, 
159  ;  receives  Frederick  II.'s  oath  to  pro- 
ceed on  the  crusade,  163  ;  succeeds  Hono- 
rius  III.,  172  ;  bis  temper  and  policy, 
172,  173 ;  compels  the  Emperor  to  start 
for  the  East,  174;  excommunicates  him 
for  turning  back,  175  ;  his  difficulties 
with  the  Romans,  178 ;  takes  refuge  at 
Perugia,  179;  his  wrath  at  Frederick's 
departure  for  Palestine,  180;  does  all  he 
can  to  isolate  him,  182  ;  is  irritated  by 
Frederick's  success,  183  ;  raises  an  army 
against  him,   185  ;  is  obliged  to  make 


peace,  186;  is  recalled  to  Rome,  186; 
arbitrates  between  the  Emperor  and  the 
Lombards,  192  ;  has  again  to  leave  Rome, 
193  ;  again  invokes  assistance  for  Pales- 
tine, 194  ;  grows  more  hostile  to  the 
Empire,  197;  excommunicates  the  Em- 
peror a  second  time,  198 ;  his  invectives 
against  Frederick,  199  ;  excommunicates 
Euzio,  200  ;  calls  a  council,  but  is  pre- 
vented by  Frederick  from  holding  it, 
201 ;  his  death,  202. 

Guelph,  Duke,  50,  78,  83. 

Guido  of  Crema  (Anti-pope),  68,  72,  73,  82. 

Hadrian  rv.  (Pope),  elected,  30;  char- 
acter, 29,  30 ;  places  Rome  under  an  in- 
terdict, 30  ;  excommunicates  William  I., 
32 ;  negotiates  with  Frederick  I.,  32 ; 
begins  to  suspect  him,  33  ;  meets  him  at 
Campo  Grasso,  35;  insists  on  Frederick's 
paying  him  homage,  35,  36  :  journeys 
back  to  Rome  with  him,  36  ;  crowns 
him  Emperor,  37  ;  is  vexed  with  him  for 
returning  to  Germany,  39,  42  ;  reduces 
William  I.  to  extremities,  43  ;  finally 
makes  peace  with  him,  44;  sends  legates 
to  Frederick,  44  ;  complains  of  him  to 
the  German  bishops,  46 ;  is  obliged  to 
yield,  47  ;  his  dissensions  with  Frederick, 
50-53  ;  encourages  the  Lombard  com- 
munes, 51,  52;  dies,  53. 

Henry  VI.  (Emperor),  elected  King  of  the 
Romans,  83 :  is  recognised  as  such  by 
Alexander  III.,  91 ;  wins  his  spurs.  102  ; 
marries  Constance,  heiress  of  Sicily,  104; 
assumes  the  iron  crown,  104 ;  is  left  in 
Italy  by  his  father,  105  ;  is  recognised  as 
Empcror-dect,  106;  his  character,  108, 
109,  120,  121 ;  prepares  to  claim  Sicily, 
109 ;  on  his  father's  death  goes  to  Italy 
and  treats  with  Clement  HI.,  nr ;  flat- 
ters the  Romans,  in  ;  is  crowned  by 
Celestine  III.,  112;  lays  siege  to  Naples, 
113 ;  returns  to  Germany,  114 ;  seizes 
Richard  I.,  115;  wages  a  successful  war 
in  Sicily  and  makes  a  triumphal  entry 
into  Palermo,  117  ;  his  cruelty,  117,  120; 
tries  to  make  the  Empire  hereditary  in 
his  family,  118;  has  his  sou  Frederick 
elected  King  of  the  Romans,  119  ;  suspi- 
cious of  the  Empress,  119;  his  death,  120; 
his  will,  124,  128. 

Henry  II.  (King  of  England),  66,  69-71,  81, 

83. 
Henry,  son  of  Conrad  III.,  19,  23. 
Henry,  sou  of  Frederick  II.,  150,  157,  158, 

159,  161,  169,  174,  180,  189,  190,  191,  193, 

194. 
Henry,  another  son  of  Frederick  II.,  221, 

226. 
Henry  of  Castile,  247,  250,  251,  252,  253,  255. 
Henry  the  Lion  (Duke  of  Saxony),  23,  27, 

37,  4r>  5°.  82,  83,  86,  87,  89,   100,  108,  109, 

no,  114,  118. 
Henry  of  Truyes,  64,  65. 
Herman  (Landgrave  of   Thuringia),   140, 

141,  148. 
Honorius   II.  (Pope),  his  position  when 

Henry  V.  died,  2  ;  supports  Lothair,  3; 

dies,  4. 
Honorius  III.  (Pope),  as  cardinal,  is  ap. 


260 


Index. 


pointed  tutor  to  Frederick  II.,  126 ;  suc- 
ceeds Innocent  III.,  157 ;  his  moderation, 
158;  begins  to  threaten  Frederick,  160; 
accepts  his  excuses,  161 ;  crowns  Frede- 
rick and  Constance,  163;  his  discontent 
with  the  Emperor,  165,  168,  169  ;  his 
troubles  with  the  Unmans,  166;  has  to 
leave  Home,  167  ;  arbitrates  between  the 
Lombard  cities  and  Frederick,  170  ;  dies, 
171. 

Innocent  n.  (Pope),  elected,  4 ;  appeals 
to  Lothair,  4  ;  supported  by  St.  Bernard, 
5  ;  recognised  by  the  kings  of  France 
and  England,  5  ;  crowns  Lothair  king  at 
Liege,  5;  crowns  him  Emperor  in  the 
Lateral).  7  ;  invests  him  conditionally 
with  the  Matildine  possessions,  7  ;  makes 
war  on  Roger  of  Sicily  and  is  taken  pri- 
soner by  him,  g  ;  is  reconciled  to  him, 
10;  disappoints  the  Romans,  who  rise 
against  him,  12;  dies,  13. 

Innocent  III.  (Pope),  elected,  121  ;  his 
character,  122,  156 ;  his  great  influence, 
124,  139  ;  negotiates  with  the  Empress, 
125  ;  accepts  the  guardianship  of  Frede- 
rick II.,  126 ;  makes  use  of  "Walter  of 
Brienue  agaiust  Markwald,  128,  129  ; 
supports  Frederick  in  Sicily,  130 ;  is  called 
on  to  arbitrate  regarding  the  Empire,  134 ; 
decides  in  favour  of  Otto  IV.,  136 ; 
answers  Philip's  objections,  137  ;  later 
favours  Philip,  142 ;  on  his  death  returns 
to  Otto,  143;  crowns  him,  145;  turns 
agaiust  him,  146-148 ;  calls  on  Frederick 
II.  to  take  his  place,  148;  exerts  himself 
on  Frederick's  behalf,  153 ;  calls  a  great 
council,  155 ;  his  death  and  work  in  the 
Church,  156. 

Innocent  IV.  (Pope),  elected,  204 ;  his  nego- 
tiations with  Frederick  II.,  205 ;  resolves 
to  carry  out  Gregory  IX. 's  policy,  207  ; 
convokes  a  council  at  Lyons,  208 ;  deposes 
Frederick.  209 ;  stirs  up  the  Guelphs,  210  ; 
and  the  Germans,  212 ;  is  accused  by 
Frederick  of  conspiring  against  his  life, 
214  ;  crowns  William  of  Holland  King  of 
the  Komaus,  218  ;  rejoices  publicly  over 
Frederick's  death,  221 ;  dooms  his  sous 
also  to  destruction,  221 ;  returns  to  Italy, 

223  ;  his  accusations  against  Conrad  IV., 

224  ;  turns  to  England  and  France  for  a 
new  king,  225 ;  enters  into  negotiations 
with  Manfred,  227  ;  dies,  230. 

Irene,  a  Greek  princess,  113,  117. 
Isabella  of  England  (Empress),  194,  221. 

John  of  Struma  (Anti-pope),  82,  91,  96. 

Ladislaw  (King  of  Bohemia),  42,  47. 

Lambert  Crivelli  (archbishop  of  Milan). 
See  Urban  III. 

Lancia,  Bianca,  221. 

Lancia,  Frederick,  232,  252. 

Lancia,  Galvano,  229.  231,  250,  254,  255. 

Legnano,  battle  of,  88. 

Leopold  of  Austria,  115. 

Lothair  III.  (Emperor),  elected  King  of 
the  Romans,  2;  opposed  by  Conrad  of 
Hohenstaufen,  3 ;  supported  by  Hono- 
rius  II.,  3 ;  is  crowned  king  by  Innocent 


II.,  5;  visits  Italy  and  receives  the  im- 
perial crown,  7 ;  second  descent  into 
Italy,  8;  dies  on  his  journey  home,  9. 

Louis  VII  (King  of  France),  18,  63-66,  69. 

Louis  IX.  (King  of  France),  211,  216,  217, 
225,  238,  240. 

Lucius  II.  (Pope),  13. 

Lucius  III.  (Pope),  elected,  99;  goes  into 
exile,  100 ;  meets  Frederick  I.  at  Verona, 
102 ;  dies,  103. 

Manfred  (King  of  Sicily),  viceroy  of 
Sicily,  221 ;  his  courage  saves  Sicily, 
222 ;  hands  over  the  kingdom  to  his 
brother  Conrad,  223 ;  is  ill  rewarded 
by  him,  224 ;  on  Conrad's  death  takes 
the  reins  of  government  in  Sicily,  227 ; 
negotiates  with  the  Pope,  227,  228 ;  has 
to  escape  to  Lucera,  229;  defeats  his 
enemies  and  is  confirmed  as  viceroy, 
230 ;  acts  with  great  energy,  231 ;  is 
excommunicated,  232;  is  crowned  king 
at  Palermo,  233 ;  becomes  the  leader  of 
the  Ghibellines,  235 ;  his  second  mar- 
riage. 235;  defends  himself  against 
Charles  of  Anjou,  241  ;  falls  in  the 
battle  of  Beueveuto,  243;  is  mourned 
by  his  people,  245. 

Manuel  Comuenus  (Eastern  Emperor),  72, 
81,  90. 

Markwald  (high  seneschal),  116,  122,  124, 
126,  127,  128,  129. 

Matildine  possessions,  7,  50,  51,  99,  102, 
105,  106,  133,  142,  144,  153,  165. 

Milan,  first  siege,  47,  48  ;  second  siege,  61 ; 
joins  the  League,  73;  is  rebuilt,  74  ;  the 
marriage  of  Henry  VI.  and  Constance 
of  Sicily,  and  their  coronation  celebrated 
atMUan,  104  ;  Milan  hostile  to  Frederick 
II.,  155,  162;  offers  the  iron  crown  to 
Frederick  II.'s  son,  Henry,  194 ;  its 
Carroccio  taken  atCorteuuovaby  Frede- 
rick II.  and  presented  to  the  Romans, 
196;  the  Milanese  confront  Frederick 
II.,  211;  Milan  receives  Innocent  IV., 
223. 

Octavian  (cardinal  of  St.  Cecilia),  dis- 
putes with  Hadrian  IV.'s  legates,  35 ; 
introduces  Frederick  I.'s  soldiers  into 
Rome,  37 ;  head  of  one  party  in  the 
Curia,  43;  becomes  Anti-pops  under  the 
name  of  Victor  IV.,  54;  struggles  with 
Alexander  III.,  55;  appeals  to  Frede- 
rick, 56 ;  attends  a  council  at  Pavia, 
and  is  recognised  by  it,  59,  60;  excom- 
municates Alexander  III.,  60;  is  excom- 
municated by  him,  60,  63  ;  is  deserted  by 
all  but  Frederick,  62;  accompanies  the 
Emperor,  65 ;  defends  himself,  66 ;  dies, 
68. 

Otto  IV.  (of  Brunswick,  Emperor),  the 
Guelphs  elect  him  king,  132 ;  helped  by 
his  uncle,  Richard  I.  of  England,  132; 
crowned  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  132 ;  gains 
over  Innocent  III.,  135;  makes  great 
promises  to  him,  137 ;  is  deserted  by  his 
followers,  141 ;  refuses  to  resign  the 
crown  to  Philip  of  Suabia,  142;  on 
Philip's  death  is  again  supported  by 
Innocent,   143 ;   goes  to  Italy,   144 ;  is 


Index. 


261 


crowued  Emperor  in  Rome,  145 ;  refuses 
to  keep  his  promises  and  is  excommuni- 
cated, 146;  holds  a  diet  at  Lodi  and 
returns  to  Germany,  148 ;  arrives  too 
late  at  Constance  to  prevent  Frederick 
II. 's  entry,  151 ;  complains  of  the  Pope, 
151 ;  marries  Beatrice  aud  is  accused  of 
her  sudden  death,  151  ;  enmity  of  the 
King  of  France,  152;  is  defeated  at 
Bouviues,  154;  still  supported  by  Milan, 
155;  his  death,  158. 

Otto  of  Wittelsbach  (Palatine  of  Bavaria), 
45,  46,  47,  56. 

Otto  of  Wittelsbach  (uephew  of  the 
former),  143,  144. 

Ottocar  (King  of  Bohemia),  140,  141,  148, 
152- 

Peter  Pierleox'I  (cardinal),  Anti-pope 
under  the  name  of  Auacletus  II.,  4; 
appeals  to  Lothair,  4  ;  is  opposed  by  St. 
Bernard,  5,  7,  9  :  protected  by  Milan  and 
by  Roger  of  Sicily,  6 ;  is  master  of  Rome, 
7,  8  ;  dies,  9. 

Philip  Augustus  (King  of  France),  in,  147, 
151,  152,  153. 

Philip  (archbishop  of  Cologne),  83,  90,  105, 
108,  114. 

Philip  of  Hohenstaufen  (King  of  the 
Romans),  marries  Irene,  117  ;  on  Henry 
VI.'s  death  escapes  from  Tuscany  and 
returns  to  Germany,  123;  is  invited  by 
the  Ghibellines  to  take  the  crown,  131 ; 
is  crowued  at  Mentz,  132  ;  seeks  in  vain 
the  assistance  of  Innocent  III.,  135,  136; 
defends  himself  against  the  Pope,  137 ; 
tries  to  gain  him  over,  aud  finally  suc- 
ceeds, 140,  141 ;  is  murdered,  143. 

Pier  della  Vigua,  191,  218,  219. 

Raixald  Dassel  (chancellor),  46,  47,  68, 

73.  74,  78. 

Rainald  (Duke  of  Spoleto),  180,  184,  185. 

Raspe,  Henry  of,  212,  213. 

Richard  I.  (King  of  England),  in,  115, 116, 

i32.  *35- 

Richard  (Count  of  Acerra),  113,  120. 

Richard  of  Cornwall,  225,  234,  237. 

Richard  (Count  of  Sora),  130,  165. 

Robert  of  Lavena,  253,  255. 

Roffrid  (abbot  of  Moutecassino),  115,  126, 
128,  130. 

Roger  1.  (King  of  Sicily),  protects  the  Anti- 
pope  Anacletus  II.,  6;  excommunicated, 
9;  takes  Innocent  II.  prisoner,  9;  is 
reconciled  with  him,  10;  successfully 
opposes  Lucius  II.,  13;  meets  Eugenius 
III.,  21;  suspected  by  Conrad  III.,  22; 


Conrad  allied  with  Constantinople 
agaiust  him,  23;  is  succeeded  by  Wil- 
liam I.,  31. 

Roger  (son  of  Tancred),  113,  116. 

Roland  (Cardinal).    See  Alexander  III. 

Rome,  her  municipality,  n,  12,  99;  placed 
under  an  interdict  by  Hadrian  IV.,  30; 
fights  against  Frederick  I.,  37 ;  makes 
terms  with  him,  76;  welcomes  Alex- 
ander III.,  96;  is  flattered  by  Henry 
VI.,  112;  tights  against  Otto  IV.,  145; 
shows  good-will  towards  Frederick  ll., 
163  ;  takes  part  with  him  against  Gregory 
IX.,  179;  obliges  the  Pope  to  fly,  192; 
later,  defends  him  agaiust  the  Emperor, 
200. 

Romuald  of  Salerno  (archbishop),  91,  95, 
117. 

Roncaglia,  important  diet  of,  48. 

Sibilla  (Queen  of  Sicily),  114,  116,  117, 128. 
Spoleto,  destruction  of,  39. 

Taxcred  (King  of  Sicily),  is  elected  and 
invested  by  the  Pope,  no;  has  to  fight 
for  his  throne,  m  ;  neglects  to  prepare 
for  the  advance  of  Henry  VI.,  113; 
treats  the  Empress  Constance  with 
courtesy,  114;  releases  her,  115;  men- 
tion of  his  death,  116. 

Tortona,  destruction  of,  33. 

Tusculum,  destruction  of,  112. 

Ubaldixi,  Octaviax  (Cardinal),  21s,  230, 

231. 
Ugolino  (cardinal  of  Ostia).    See  Gregory 

IX. 
Urban  III.  (Pope),  elected,  103 ;  refuses  to 

crown  King  Henry  VI.  at  Milan,  104; 

blames  Frederick  I.,  104;   is  blockaded 

by  Henry  VI.,  105;  dies,  105. 
Urban  IV.  (Pope),  elected,   237 ;   renews 

the  excommuuicatiou  against  Manfred, 

238;  offers  to  invest  Charles  of  Anjou 

with  the  kingdom  of  Sicily,  238 ;  dies,  240. 

Vexice,  Peace  of,  93-05. 

Walter  Palear  (Bishop),  126,  128. 
Wichmann  (archbishop  of  Magdeburg),  26, 

27,  89. 
William  I.  (King  of  Sicily,  31,  32,  43,  44. 
William  II.  (King  of  Sicily),  72,  81,  103,  109. 
William  of  Holland,  218,  222,  231. 
William  (son  of  Tancred),  116,  117. 

Yolaxde  of  Brienne  (Empress),  165,  166, 
168,  180. 


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